Anatoly Chubais’s brother: “a thief stole my father’s teeth and party card at night. "Meet Chubais. Igor Chubais. Historian... Igor Chubais

Father - Boris Matveevich Chubais (February 15, 1918 - October 9, 2000) - participant in the Great Patriotic War, colonel, after retirement, teacher of Marxism-Leninism at the Leningrad Mining Institute. Mother - Raisa Efimovna Sagal (September 15, 1918 - September 7, 2004). After the end of the war, Boris Chubais and his wife lived for some time in defeated Germany. Then the division where Igor’s father served was stationed in Lyadishchi (Borisov). His younger brother, Anatoly Borisovich Chubais, was born there. In the early 1960s, the family moved from Borisov to Odessa

In 1972 he graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of Leningrad State University.

He joined the CPSU upon entering graduate school at the Institute of Sociology of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Moscow, after being warned about the impossibility of training non-party people.

In 1978, he completed his postgraduate studies at the Institute of Sociology and defended his PhD thesis on the Polish sociology of television.

From 1980 to 1997 - Associate Professor of the Department of Philosophy at GITIS.

In 1987-1990, he was one of the most prominent figures in the Moscow informal associations “Perestroika” and “Perestroika-88”. In 1988-1990 he was a member of the Moscow Popular Front. In 1989, he was expelled from the CPSU for “activities aimed at splitting the party.”

In 1990, Igor Borisovich became the “founding father” of the Democratic Platform in the CPSU, and then (after a short stay in the Republican Party) was a member of the Bureau of the Political Council of the People's Party of Russia.

In the spring-summer of 1991, he joined the Moscow organization of the NPR to the coalition of five parties “Democratic Moscow” and participated in the creation of the Coalition of Democratic Forces in Moscow, directed against the leadership of “Democratic Russia”.

Editor-in-Chief of the magazine (almanac) “New Milestones”.

In 2000 he defended his doctoral dissertation on the problem of the new Russian idea and identity.

In 2006-2007, he was the presenter of radio programs “Moscow Speaks”.

Active member of the Return Foundation, created in December 2006.

In March 2010, he signed the appeal of the Russian opposition “Putin must leave.”

Since 2010, he has hosted several radio programs on the Russian News Service radio station.

Currently:

Director of the Interuniversity Center for Russian Studies as part of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of RUDN University
Dean of the Faculty of Russian Studies, Institute of Social Sciences

Family

Married. The daughter graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Institute of Economics and Law.

Igor Chubais does not approve of his brother’s state-political activities and does not communicate with him.

Bibliography

“From the Russian idea - to the idea of a new Russia” (1996)
“Russia in Search of Itself” (1998)
Textbook "National Studies", 2003, together with a group of employees
“Russia Unraveled. What will happen to the Motherland and to us”, Moscow: AiF Print, Stolitsa-Print, 2005 ISBN 5-94736-074-8, 5-98132-071-0. Awarded the Literature Prize of the Union of Writers of the Russian Federation.

Born on April 26, 1947 in Berlin. Father - Boris Matveevich Chubais (February 15, 1918 - October 9, 2000) - participant in the Great Patriotic War, colonel, after retirement, teacher of Marxism-Leninism at the Leningrad Mining Institute. Mother - Raisa Efimovna Sagal (September 15, 1918 - September 7, 2004). After the end of the war, Boris Chubais and his wife lived for some time in defeated Germany. Then the division where Igor’s father served was stationed in Lyadishchi (Borisov). His younger brother, Anatoly Borisovich Chubais, was born there. In the early 1960s, the family moved from Borisov to Odessa

In 1972 he graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of Leningrad State University.

He joined the CPSU upon entering graduate school at the Institute of Sociology of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Moscow, after being warned about the impossibility of training non-party people.

In 1978, he completed his postgraduate studies at the Institute of Sociology and defended his PhD thesis on the Polish sociology of television.

From 1980 to 1997 - Associate Professor of the Department of Philosophy at GITIS.

Editor-in-Chief of the magazine (almanac) “New Milestones”.

In 2000 he defended his doctoral dissertation on the problem of the new Russian idea and identity.

In 2006-2007, he was the presenter of radio programs “Moscow Speaks”.

Active member of the Return Foundation, created in December 2006.

In March 2010, he signed the appeal of the Russian opposition “Putin must leave.”

Since 2010, he has hosted several radio programs on the Russian News Service radio station.

Currently:

Director of the Interuniversity Center for Russian Studies as part of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of RUDN University
Dean of the Faculty of Russian Studies, Institute of Social Sciences

Family

Married. The daughter graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Institute of Economics and Law.

Igor Chubais does not approve of his brother’s state-political activities and does not communicate with him.

Bibliography

“From the Russian idea - to the idea of a new Russia” (1996)
“Russia in Search of Itself” (1998)
Textbook "National Studies", 2003, together with a group of employees
“Russia Unraveled. What will happen to the Motherland and to us”, Moscow: AiF Print, Stolitsa-Print, 2005 ISBN 5-94736-074-8, 5-98132-071-0. Awarded the Literature Prize of the Union of Writers of the Russian Federation.

You are not a slave!
Closed educational course for children of the elite: "The true arrangement of the world."
http://noslave.org

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Igor Borisovich Chubais

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[[Lua error in Module:Wikidata/Interproject on line 17: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). \|Works]] in Wikisource

Igor Borisovich Chubais(born April 26, Berlin) - Russian philosopher and sociologist, Doctor of Philosophy. Author of many scientific and journalistic works. Initiator of the introduction of a new subject “Russian studies” into the Russian education system. Dean of Russia's first Faculty of Russian Studies at the Institute of Social Sciences. Member of the board of the Union of Writers of Russia.

Biography

Editor-in-Chief of the magazine (almanac) “New Milestones”.

Active member of the Return Foundation, created in December 2006.

In March 2010, he signed the appeal of the Russian opposition “Putin must leave.”

Since 2010, he has hosted several radio programs on the Russian News Service radio station.

Hosts the “Time Ch” program on Radio Komsomolskaya Pravda.

Currently:

Director of the Interuniversity Center for the Study of Russia as part of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of RUDN University [ ] [[K:Wikipedia:Articles without sources (country: Lua error: callParserFunction: function "#property" was not found. )]][[K:Wikipedia:Articles without sources (country: Lua error: callParserFunction: function "#property" was not found. )]] .
Dean of the Faculty of Russian Studies at the Institute of Social Sciences.
Member of the editorial board of the magazine "Posev".

In September 2014, he signed a statement demanding “to stop the aggressive adventure: to withdraw Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine and to stop propaganda, material and military support for the separatists in Eastern Ukraine.”

Family

Married. The daughter graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Institute of Economics and Law.

Bibliography

“From the Russian idea - to the idea of a new Russia” ()
“Russia in search of itself” ()
Textbook "National Studies", together with a group of employees
“Russia Unraveled. What will happen to the Motherland and to us”, Moscow: AiF Print, Stolitsa-Print, 2005 ISBN 5-94736-074-8, 5-98132-071-0. Awarded the Literature Prize of the Union of Writers of the Russian Federation.

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"Biography"

Education

In 1972 he graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of Leningrad State University.

He joined the CPSU upon entering graduate school at the Institute of Sociology of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Moscow, after being warned about the impossibility of training non-party people.

In 1978, he completed his postgraduate studies at the Institute of Sociology and defended his thesis “The Impact of Television on the Formation of Public Opinion” (based on materials from the People’s Republic of Poland and the USSR).

Activity

"News"

Ukraine is visible in every mirror and every window

The empire included both Finland and Poland... But the struggle for the rule of law, for democracy, for fair elections somewhere in Papua New Guinea is not very interesting to the Kremlin and the Russians. And Ukraine is visible in every mirror and every window. We are intertwined with too many ties and this is not propaganda, this is reality. That's the whole answer. I myself lived in Ukraine for 7 years - in Lvov and Odessa.

Igor Chubais: There will be no victory for the Kremlin over Ukraine. Russia is fading before our eyes

Igor Chubais, Doctor of Philosophy, historian and founder of the discipline “Russian Studies,” causes, perhaps, no less controversy and criticism than his younger brother, with whom Chubais the philosopher has not communicated for a long time.

His books “Unraveled Russia” and “The Russian Idea”, against the backdrop of today’s pessimism regarding traditional domestic values, look quite optimistic: Chubais proves that there is no historical curse over us, that the thousand-year Russian path was among the most successful on the continent, until it happened the disaster of 1917, which turned the country upside down. And when we realize that we have been wandering on the sidelines for 90 years, when we understand that the USSR and post-USSR are not Russia, when we return and continue our route, the world will accept us again, and we will find ourselves.

Journalist Andrei Norkin kicked brother Chubais out of the studio: Get out

NTV journalist Andrei Norkin expelled Doctor of Philosophy Igor Chubais, brother of Anatoly Chubais, from the studio of his program.

As a Nakanune.RU correspondent reports, on the air of the “Meeting Place” program, the presenter told Chubais that he would not give him any more space to speak on the program.

“I won’t give you another word, Igor Borisovich. For God’s sake, get out,” Norkin said.

Igor Chubais: “In Soviet times, I felt national pressure and would never publicly say that I am a Jew”

Evgeniy KUDRYATS

Conversation with publicist and Russian specialist Igor Chubais

Our guest today, Igor Borisovich Chubais, is a Russian philosopher and sociologist, Doctor of Philosophy, author of many scientific and journalistic works. Initiator of the introduction of a new subject “Russian Studies” into the Russian education system. Dean of Russia's first Faculty of Russian Studies at the Institute of Social Sciences. Member of the board of the Union of Writers of Russia. He is a participant in many political talk shows on various Russian television channels, where he always takes a tough anti-Kremlin position, for which he is constantly ostracized and criticized by presenters and political opponents. An ardent opponent of Russia's policy towards Ukraine, in connection with the events in Donbass and the entry of Crimea into the Russian Federation, which he considers annexation. On April 26, Igor Chubais turned 70 years old. On the eve of this date, our correspondent talked with the hero of the day.

- Igor Borisovich, you were born in Berlin, so it is quite symbolic and natural that on the eve of the anniversary you are giving an interview to a publication published in the German capital. Please tell us a little about your childhood years.

I lived in Berlin for exactly a year. My father (Boris Matveevich Chubais, 1918-2000 - E.K.) continued to serve in the army after the end of the war. He fought from the first day, and met the last day of the war in Prague. Then he served in Europe: in Hungary, in Germany, where he brought his wife, my mother, from Moscow. I was born in 1947 and took my first steps on German soil. In general, I have been to Germany many times, but already during perestroika: as a guest at the congresses of the Social Democratic Party in West Berlin and Bremen, for several months I worked at the Center for Eastern European Studies at the University of Bremen, at Radio Liberty in Munich...

- Who was your mother?

Unfortunately, I had a very difficult relationship with my mother (Raisa Efimovna Sagal, 1918-2004 - E.K.). She has been gone for a long time, but I still remember these difficulties... Mom and her parents came to Moscow from Mogilev in early childhood, graduated from school and college here, then married my father, who by that time had become a professional military man, and in 1940 They left for Lithuania, occupied by the Red Army. When the war began, my mother managed to escape from Alytus and return to Moscow, and my father, as I already said, fought. After the end of the war, my parents traveled to military units, far from large cities. Then dad studied in Moscow at the Academy. Lenin, then we lived in Belarus, then in Odessa and Lvov. I have not yet said that my father completed his post-graduate course - military graduate school - and defended his Ph.D. thesis, after which he worked at the department at a military university. His last place of work was the head of the department of Marxism-Leninism at one of the universities in Leningrad.

- Did your mother have any profession?

- She had a higher education in economics, but she worked in her specialty for a very short time, because the family was constantly moving.

- Could you compare anti-Semitism during the USSR and in post-perestroika times? In this regard, we can recall the recent quite odious and unambiguous statements of deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Pyotr Tolstoy and Vitaly Milonov. Do you think anything has fundamentally changed on this issue since then?

You know, in general, life in the USSR, as many people guess, is a situation where you are forced to be an unfree person in an unfree state. The most acute memory in this series is August 21, 1968, the occupation of Czechoslovakia. On August 23, I went out to protest in the square in front of the regional party committee in Odessa. It was in political terms that I experienced extremely severe pressure. As for the national issue, much depended on the family. My mother is Jewish, my father’s ancestors are Balts, Russians and Jews, but since he was a political worker, the national question did not arise in our country at all, and I remained outside of this topic. The context and refrain was: “We are Soviet people,” although it was not possible to completely avoid the problem...

- What exactly did this mean?

I remember the distant year 1952. I was only five years old, but what happened remained in my memory forever. We lived in Moscow, my father studied at the academy, at that time the fight against cosmopolitanism began, which affected many people... My mother’s brother, Uncle Borya, is a handsome and strong man who worked throughout the war at a military factory, and after the war - a foreman at an automobile plant them. Likhachev, who then bore the name of Stalin. Uncle Borya came to us and... cried, saying that he would now be exiled. He didn't know what would happen next. This picture stuck in my memory for a long time. But everything worked out: he was not exiled, and after some time the fight against cosmopolitanism ended. My father somehow dampened all this, and I got used to the fact that he was absolutely honest and fair. For me, this problem was expressed in a very unique way: in Soviet times, I felt national pressure and would never have publicly said that I was a Jew, I would have avoided such a conversation.

- In Soviet times, it was generally not customary to advertise nationality, especially for those who belonged to national minorities. But for some reason, at the end of the USSR - in the 1990s - there was a certain surge of anti-Semitism, when the Black Shirts, Makashov, Barkashov, RNE and similar Black Hundred organizations appeared. How can you explain this?

I felt it all a little differently. The national problem for me was that I would not discuss this with anyone. When you can't change anything, the problem goes into the subconscious. But during perestroika something else happened: it was not an explosion of some kind of anti-Semitism or nationalism. For 70 years, a totalitarian-censorship steamroller went over people’s heads, which did not allow anything to grow, and suddenly this press was removed, and it turned out that we differ in nationality. A variety of things began to appear that were previously impossible to talk about at all. It turned out that we had sex, which was denied during Soviet times. Something national also appeared: Jewish and anti-Jewish, Semitic and anti-Semitic.

- What is happening today in this matter?

If we talk about today, then, in my opinion, there is now no state anti-Semitism, this must be admitted. Today, a Jew in Russia can hold any position, and no one will restrict him because he is a Jew. True, there is limited everyday anti-Semitism. The problem is different: our quasi-state, created in 1917, is constantly in crisis. You can get out of the crisis either by dismantling the entire system or by finding a “scapegoat.” The entire history of the USSR and post-USSR is the history of the struggle against anti-Soviet people, against counter-revolutionaries, against dissidents, against Zionists - whoever prevented our beloved homeland from building paradise on earth. But paradise was never built. And today we are in a situation where the crisis has become extremely aggravated; it is quite possible that in the near future there will be changes in the entire state system. But while the government is constantly inventing some enemies - foreign agents, national traitors... The closedness of the system is a terrible danger, it is an indicator of its degradation.

This means that no one accepts our ideas and we are prohibited from accepting “their” ideas. In this context, there is a renewed attempt to revive the old “game” of being an anti-Semite. Pyotr Tolstoy, whom I know a little, since I participated in his television programs more than once, is a man of very strange views. Everyone understands that the vast majority of people shouting: “Glory to Putin!” are simply corrupt and corrupt liars who insure themselves in this way. But they say that Tolstoy is a different person, that he (we are talking about Tolstoy’s phrase about “those who jumped out from behind the Pale of Settlement with a revolver in 1917.” - E.K.) shouted it out, and Volodin (Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. - E.K.) supported him. It seems that old technology is being purged in a new round of the crisis.

- As far as I know, you are the author of the term “Russian studies”. Can you tell our readers a little about this?

Yes with pleasure. But I must clarify that, unfortunately, the author of this term is not me. In most countries of the world, the education system solves three problems: specialized knowledge used in a specific profession; knowledge for general development (for example, learning a foreign language) and, relatively speaking, ideological or patriotic education. Americans study American Studies, in India they study Indian Studies, in Australia - Australian Studies. In the European Union, where you live, there is a not very common course called “European Studies”. In this sense, “Russian studies” is a common tradition. And this concept itself was introduced by Dmitry Ivanovich Mendeleev - not only a chemist, but also a Russian specialist. True, in Soviet times his works on Russian studies were not published, any knowledge about the country other than Marxism, disfigured by Leninism, was suppressed. Russian studies is the totality of all social sciences that study Russia: literary criticism, ethnography, statistics of Russia and, of course, the history of Russia and its philosophy. Since I have a philosophical education and was always involved in social problems, after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, I decided not to go to power, although I knew many there and therefore personally warned Boris Yeltsin about the assassination attempt in January 1991. My brother went there (Anatoly Chubais; Igor Chubais does not approve of his brother’s state-political activities and does not communicate with him. - E.K.), and I naively thought that he would do everything, so I decided to return to science and took up Russian studies.

If you really study Russia, a lot becomes clearer. It becomes clear that the system in which we have lived for a hundred years is dead-end and meaningless, it must be dismantled as soon as possible. Realizing this situation, the authorities introduced not Russian studies in schools, but “the foundations of Orthodox culture,” i.e. studying Russia, but in a reflected light - through Orthodoxy. Orthodoxy and Russia are close things, but not at all synonymous. 15 years ago I received an order from the Kaliningrad region from Lazar Fukson, who was then the head of the regional education department. Lazar understood that Kaliningrad was on the outskirts, so it was necessary to strengthen the sense of homeland there. He read some of my works and ordered the textbook “National Studies” that I wrote. It was taught in 42 schools, but then the governor changed in Kaliningrad and, accordingly, all this “disgrace” stopped.

The topic of your candidate's dissertation - "The impact of television on the formation of public opinion based on materials from the People's Republic of Poland and the USSR" - is not only relevant today, but in general - topic No. 1. I watch Russian political talk shows, and I get the feeling that there is a special technique , in which people in the studio start talking at the same time, which increases tension and, at the same time, TV viewers generally lose some thread of the narrative. You take part in such programs and see everything from the inside...

Yes, there are a number of techniques that are clearly visible to me as a person who has been professionally involved in the sociology of television and who visits domestic television channels. I can name some of them. Few people know that the “extras” in the studio are completely controllable: the director of the hall is hiding behind him, who gives the command: “clap” or “buzz and disapprove,” etc. Thus, a strict censorship line is presented for the “reaction of society”, and the extras, unlike expert opponents, receive money for this. Other TV rules are also taken into account...

- Which for example?

If talk show participants unanimously start shouting “Glory to Putin!”, after five minutes the audience will turn off their TVs: it will be impossible to watch. But you can watch the program if two or three experts try to oppose and express an alternative point of view. However, when you speak out against it, you are constantly interfered with, you are brought down. You find yourself in a difficult position. Although I managed to bark “Glory to Ukraine!” live on air. or, which I am still proud of, exposing several falsifications.

Once they put KGB general Zdanovich next to me, and he began to talk to me. Then I repeated loudly for a couple of minutes: “This is KGB censorship! This is KGB censorship." He didn't know how to react - continue or stop, and the more he talked, the longer he found himself in a stupid position. Another method that is also used: when you speak in a full voice and quite convincingly, during the broadcast of the program you can lower the volume of your voice and let in some kind of sound interference. I sometimes start a speech with a warning: “They won’t let me speak, they’ll mute me now,” after which the presenter is forced to give me at least a minute, but at the same time he still shoots me down.

- The next topic concerns non-systemic opposition, although not everyone likes this term. Why do you think “Bolotnaya” “choked” in 2011? Almost six years have passed since then, and we can already draw some conclusions...

I think that it is almost impossible to create an independent and powerful civil movement in a subtotalitarian state. True, I have been leading the civil discussion club “Russia” for eight years now. We regularly have to change premises, the police came to us, they took me outside, but we adopted certain rules that allow us to self-preserve. But creating some kind of political association is extremely difficult, because this is the sphere of control of the FSB. Without these three letters, the state cannot exist. In addition, a lot of mistrust is driven into our heads almost on a subconscious level, and no matter who I communicate with, I always think: “Maybe he is not entirely sincere?”

You need to maintain a relationship with a person for a very long time in order for trust to arise... Quite recently I came to a sad conclusion: one of those with whom I was friends back during perestroika, who was in the democratic movement for many years, and it seemed to me that we were together, was fulfilling "certain assignment" Of course, I don’t have any documents on this matter, but I’m sure of it and no one will convince me otherwise, because the kind of nonsense that this man is saying about Ukraine today can only be said by someone who is “on duty.”

- Last year you published a collection of articles entitled “Chubais against Putin.” How realistic do you think Putin’s rating is, reaching a colossal 86%? Is there real support for the president in Russian society from a huge part of the population, or is this pure fiction and Kremlin propaganda?

- When it comes to official figures, statements and promises, you can only trust what is verifiable. That's why I don't trust anything that can't be verified. The authorities can say whatever they want, and the worst example that confirms my words is what happened in mid-February and did not cause much resonance.

- What is it about?

Another thing is important: we study not public opinion, but the effectiveness of propaganda, and this is a completely different substance. We are talking here not about in-depth ideas of people with a certain level of training, but about propaganda manipulation. In fact, sociology shows that at least 15% of the Russian population cannot be fooled. It is interesting that the highest percentages for United Russia are given by the most depressed regions, because the local authorities know: if people vote for United Russia, they will at least send an accordion to the club, and if not, then it is unknown what will happen to it later by superiors. The figure of 86% “for” says little. Let me remind you that a week before Ceausescu’s execution his rating was 96%.

"Jewish Panorama", Berlin

FROM THE DOSSIER
Igor Chubais was born on April 26, 1947 in Berlin. His father, a participant in the Great Patriotic War, a colonel, after his retirement, taught Marxism-Leninism at the Leningrad Mining Institute. After the end of the war, Boris Chubais and his wife lived for some time in defeated Germany. Then the division where Igor’s father served was stationed in Lyadishchi (Borisov). His younger brother, Anatoly Chubais, was born there. In the early 1960s, the Chubais family moved from Borisov to Odessa.
In 1972, Igor Chubais graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of Leningrad State University. He joined the CPSU upon entering graduate school at the Institute of Sociology of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Moscow after being warned about the impossibility of educating non-party people.
From 1980 to 1997 - Associate Professor of the Department of Philosophy at GITIS.
In 1987-1990 was one of the most prominent figures in the Moscow informal associations “Perestroika” and “Perestroika-88”. In 1990, he was expelled from the CPSU for “activities aimed at splitting the party.”
In 1990, Igor Borisovich became one of the “founding fathers” of the “Democratic Platform” in the CPSU, and after its transformation into the Republican Party, he became its co-chairman. Later he was co-chairman of the People's Party of Russia.
Editor-in-chief of the almanac "New Milestones".
In 2000 he defended his doctoral dissertation on the problem of the Russian idea and identity.
In 2006-2007 - presenter of programs on radio “Moscow Speaks”.
Active member of the “Return” foundation created in December 2006.
In March 2010, he signed the opposition’s appeal “Putin must leave.”
In 2010-2012 - presenter of several radio programs on the Russian News Service radio station. Later, he became the host of the “Time Ch” program on the Komsomolskaya Pravda radio.
In September 2014, he signed a statement demanding “to stop the aggressive adventure: to withdraw Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine and to stop propaganda, material and military support for the separatists in the East of Ukraine.”
Regular participant in programs of the Russian edition of Radio Liberty. Currently, he is a professor at the Institute of World Civilizations. Author of 300 articles and about 20 books on problems of Russian studies. His monograph “How should we understand our country” was translated into German in 2016 and published in Germany.

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