The name of the oldest description of a pilgrimage to the holy land. Pilgrimage is an ancient soul-saving tradition of Orthodox Christians. Pilgrimage in the Orthodox religion

Pilgrimage in ancient Rus' and Russia

Pilgrimage in Rus' can be divided into two independent branches, defined by the very history of the Christian religion: the actual pilgrimage to the Holy Land and the pilgrimage to holy places on the territory of Rus', as the center of world Orthodoxy. Pilgrimage to the Holy Land began in Rus' in the early times of Christianity. Historians date the first documented pilgrims to the 11th century. So in 1062 g . Abbot Varlaam of Dmitriev visited Palestine. Clergy who were literate and able to convey their impressions to the church were appointed to the pilgrimage. Essentially the first Russian pilgrim who left fairly detailed notes about his wanderings on St. Land, was abbot Daniel. He left notes known as "Walking" (1106-1107), which were copied in large quantities, preserved and published many times in the 19th century, as well as earlier. Another famous pilgrim is Archbishop Anthony of Novgorod, who made a pilgrimage to Russian holy places at the end of the 12th century. He compiled unique descriptions of the St. Sophia Cathedral and its treasures, which were later lost as a result of wars and destruction. IN 1167 g . Saint Euphrosyne of Polotsk (daughter of Prince Svyatoslav-George Vseslavovich of Polotsk) made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. IN 1350 g . pilgrimage to St. The land was visited by the Novgorod monk Stefan, who left detailed descriptions of the Constantinople shrines. It is known that he also visited Jerusalem, but written accounts are lost. IN 1370 g . the pilgrimage to Jerusalem was made by Archimandrite Agrefenya, who left unique descriptions of the shrines of Jerusalem (published in 1896 .). further in this period of the late XIV century. travels to Jerusalem, Constantinople and Athos by Deacon Ignatius Smolyanin and Novgorod Archbishop Vasily are known. The “walk of the holy monk Barsanuphius to the holy city of Jerusalem” is known, discovered in a manuscript of the first quarter of the 17th century. in 1893 N. S. Tikhonravov. It contains a description of two pilgrimage passages: in 1456. - to Jerusalem from Kyiv through Belgorod, Constantinople, Cyprus, Tripoli, Beirut and Damascus, and in 1461-1462. – through Belgorod, Damietta, Egypt and Sinai. Barsanuphius was the first of the Russian pilgrims to describe St. in sufficient detail and accurately. Mount Sinai.
From the middle of the 15th century. A new stage is beginning in the history of Russian pilgrimage. After the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, many Christian shrines of the East were finally lost. The pilgrimage became difficult and unsafe. An institution and tradition of pilgrimage to local shrines is being formed. Russian pilgrimage to St. Land in the period XV-XVI centuries. insignificant in number, there are few descriptions of travel. Famous ones include the circulation in 1558-1561. merchant Vasily Poznyakov, who gave a unique description of the Jerusalem and Sinai shrines. The well-known “Proskinitarium” of Arseny Sukhanov, hieromonk, builder of the Trinity-Sergius Epiphany Monastery and cellarer of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra, also owes its origin to the official commission. In 1649 he visited Mount Athos, and in February 1651. he visited Constantinople, Chios, Rhodes and other islands of the Greek archipelago, penetrated Egypt and Jerusalem, and returned through Asia Minor and the Caucasus in June 1653. to Moscow. Thanks to the rich “alms” that were provided to him, Arseny managed to take 700 unique manuscripts from Athos and other places, which are considered an adornment of the Moscow Synodal Library.
Later in the 18th century. The pilgrimage of the traveler Vasily of Kyiv, who devoted himself to the study of the Orthodox East, is known. In Rus' there is a firm conviction that the Orthodox faith is preserved in its purity only here, that Holy Rus' remains the only Orthodox kingdom. Many church leaders of that period called for pilgrimages to the borders of Rus', to draw piety and educate with national origins. The times of mass pilgrimage to Russian holy places are coming. In the XVI-XVII centuries. Rus' was recognized as the center of the Orthodox world even outside the state. Representatives of local Orthodox churches visited the Moscow state for pilgrimage purposes. Valaam and Solovki became centers of pilgrimage.
Sometimes people go on a pilgrimage “to repentance” in order to be cleansed of sin through the feat of pilgrimage. Often Russian people undertook votive pilgrimages - according to a vow made to God in illness or everyday sorrow. Even more often, sick people came to the shrines, hoping for healing from physical or mental illness through touching the shrine.
A pilgrimage by vocation takes place when the Lord Himself or some saint in a dream or vision called a person to go somewhere. Russian pilgrims most often went to Kyiv, wanting to visit the “Mother of Russian Cities”, with her shrines, primarily the Kiev Pechersk Lavra, its Near and Far Caves with numerous relics of holy ascetics. The most important Russian center of pilgrimage in the 15th century. the Trinity-Sergeev Lavra appeared, where even Russian tsars, according to tradition, went to bow to the abbot of the Russian land, St. Sergius. In the 19th and early 20th centuries. Sarov and Optina Pustyn also became especially visited centers of pilgrimage. The last of them stands somewhat apart. Pilgrimages were made to Optina solely for the purpose of communicating with the elders.
The pilgrimage usually took place in the warm season. This is explained by the fact that real pilgrims were supposed to go to holy places on foot in order to work for the glory of God. Orthodox pilgrims did not have a special costume (unlike Western pilgrims), but their mandatory equipment was a staff, a bag of crackers and a vessel for water.
XX century - a time of mass pilgrimages to the holy places of Russia. After 1910 The Moscow priest of the Church of the Resurrection in Kadashi, Father Nikolai (Smirnov), began parish pilgrimages in the outskirts of Moscow and in distant monasteries. Others followed his example. It is known, for example, that even after the revolution in the 1920s, the parish of the Church of St. Mitrophanius of Voronezh, under the leadership of its rector, Father Vladimir Medvedyuk, made near and far pilgrimages (including to Sarov). Today this pious tradition has been revived. Almost every temple has its own experience in conducting pilgrimage trips or trips to Russian shrines.

Pilgrimage activities constitute an important ritual part of the activities of religious organizations, both Christians and Muslims, Jews and other faiths. In essence, this is a ritual journey to a holy place, an object, containing all the signs of tourist activity, but in certain respects standing outside it, outside the mass types of tourism accepted in secular society.
Pilgrimage made a great contribution to the development of travel. It greatly contributed to the dissemination of geographical knowledge and acquaintance with the culture of other peoples. Passing through many lands and countries, pilgrims brought legends, songs, and tales in oral and, often in written, form. Pilgrims brought gifts and donations to churches, monasteries and the local population provided them with shelter and food.
The important role of pilgrimage is defined as missionary and bringing enlightenment and strengthening of faith. The basis of pilgrimage is precisely the love for the shrine. Orthodox Christians go to shrines, seeking spiritual shelter and consolation. Many people find a way out of a difficult mental state through pilgrimage.

Pilgrimage

In various religions there is a phenomenon that in Russian is usually expressed by the concept of “pilgrimage”. Despite the commonality of the name, the traditions of pilgrimage, the criteria for its evaluation in different religions differ significantly. Therefore, the word “pilgrimage” in its full sense is correct to use only in relation to Christian pilgrimage.

The concept of pilgrim comes from the word palmer, which is the translation of the corresponding Latin word. They were originally called pilgrims - participants in the religious procession in the Holy Land on the feast of the Entry of the Lord into Jerusalem (otherwise this holiday is also called Vai Week, or in the Russian Orthodox tradition, Palm Sunday). Subsequently, pilgrims began to be called not only pilgrims traveling to Jerusalem, but also to other Christian shrines.

Orthodox pilgrimage

At the VII Ecumenical Council, which marked the victory over the heresy of iconoclasm, a determination was adopted according to which God should be served, and icons should be worshiped. This definition, which has the character of church dogma, is also connected with the topic of Orthodox pilgrimage. Pilgrims in the Byzantine church tradition are called worshipers, that is, people who travel for the purpose of worshiping shrines.

Since the definition of the VII Ecumenical Council was not accepted in the Catholic West, a difference arose in the understanding of pilgrimage within Christianity. In many European languages, pilgrimage is defined by the word pilgrim, which translated into Russian means only wanderer. Pilgrims in the Catholic Church pray at holy places and practice meditation. However, the worship of shrines that exists in the Orthodox Church is absent in Catholicism.

Protestants have moved even further away from Orthodoxy, not venerating saints, icons, or holy relics. Due to such a difference in the understanding of the pilgrimage tradition in Christianity, we can talk about Orthodox pilgrimage.

Pilgrimage and tourism

Nowadays, you can often hear such phrases as: “pilgrimage tourism”, “pilgrimage tour”, “pilgrimage excursion”, etc. All these expressions stem from a misunderstanding of the essence of pilgrimage, from its rapprochement with tourism due to purely external similarities. Both pilgrimage and tourism are related to the theme of travel. However, despite the similarities, they have different natures. Even when visiting the same holy places, pilgrims and tourists do so in different ways.

Tourism is a journey for educational purposes. One of the popular types of tourism is religious tourism. The main thing in this type of tourism is getting to know the history of holy places, the lives of saints, architecture, and church art. All this is described on the excursion, which is the most important element of the trip for the tourist. An excursion can also be part of a pilgrimage, but not the main one and not obligatory, but an auxiliary one. The main thing in pilgrimage is prayer, worship and religious worship of shrines. Orthodox pilgrimage is part of the religious life of every believer. In the process of making a pilgrimage, the main thing during prayer is not the external performance of rituals, but the mood that reigns in the heart, the spiritual renewal that happens to an Orthodox Christian.

Calling on its believers to make a pilgrimage, the Russian Orthodox Church also respects tourists visiting Christian shrines. The Church considers religious tourism an important means of spiritual enlightenment of our compatriots.

Despite the fact that pilgrimage is essentially a religious activity, in the Russian Federation it is still regulated by tourism legislation.

Tradition of pilgrimage in Rus'

Russian Orthodox pilgrimage dates back to the first centuries of the spread of Christianity in Ancient Rus', i.e. from IX-X centuries Thus, Russian Orthodox pilgrimage is already more than 1000 years old. Russian people have always perceived pilgrimage as a holy undertaking necessary for every believer. At first, pilgrimage in Rus' was perceived as a pilgrimage to the holy places of Ecumenical Orthodoxy - to the Holy Land, to Egypt, to Mount Athos, and so on. Gradually, Rus' developed its own pilgrimage centers. Traveling to them has always been perceived as a spiritual and physical feat. That is why they often went on foot to worship. When going on a pilgrimage, Orthodox Christians receive a blessing to perform it from the diocesan bishop, or from their spiritual mentor.

"Orthodox Pilgrim", N 5, 2008

http://www.bogoslov.ru/text/487732.html

Russian Orthodox pilgrimage dates back to the first centuries of the spread of Christianity in Ancient Rus', i.e. from the 9th–10th centuries Thus, Russian Orthodox pilgrimage is already more than 1000 years old. Russian people have always perceived pilgrimage as a holy undertaking necessary for every believer. At first, pilgrimage in Rus' was perceived as a pilgrimage to the holy places of Ecumenical Orthodoxy - to the Holy Land, Egypt, Mount Athos, and so on. Gradually, Rus' developed its own pilgrimage centers. Traveling to them has always been perceived as a spiritual and physical feat. That is why they often went on foot to worship. When going on a pilgrimage, Orthodox Christians receive a blessing to perform it from the diocesan bishop or from their spiritual mentor.

Pilgrimage, unlike tourism, always has, as a rule, one main goal - worship of a shrine, which is associated with a lot of intense spiritual work, with prayers and divine services. Sometimes pilgrimage is associated with physical work, when laborers (as these pilgrims are called) have to do physical work in holy places. Pilgrimage attracts hundreds of thousands and even millions of people, because in a holy place prayers are more effective, and all Orthodox believers dream of visiting holy places associated with the earthly life of the Savior and the Most Holy Theotokos. It is very important what a person carries with him in his soul during a pilgrimage to a shrine, how sincere he is. If he comes only for the sake of curiosity or to learn new things, this is not a pilgrimage, but religious tourism. And if a person arrives at a holy place with reverent prayer and supplication to our Lord Jesus Christ and the Most Holy Theotokos, coming from the soul itself, with faith, then the person receives special grace from God in the holy place.

The main mistake of those who consider pilgrimage a type of tourist travel: tourism arose earlier than pilgrimage. But this is certainly not the case, because Russian Orthodox pilgrimage alone dates back more than 1000 years, and Christian pilgrimage in general is more than 1700 years old. Mass tourism in its modern sense arose only in the first quarter of the 20th century. The shrines of Ecumenical Orthodoxy are, first of all, the Holy Land, and not only Jerusalem, but also Bethlehem, Nazareth, Hebron and other places associated with the earthly life of the Savior. By the way, Egypt, which everyone is accustomed to considering as a traditional holiday destination for modern Russians, is also one of the centers of Christian pilgrimage. Here the Savior spent the first years of his life together with the Mother of God and righteous Joseph, hiding from King Herod. The Holy Family also lived in Cairo at that time. These places have always been very revered by Orthodox pilgrims. In Egypt, in the 3rd–4th centuries, ascetics of piety shone forth and created Christian monasticism. The first monastic communities arose there, in the deserts of Egypt. An important part of the Holy Land are Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, where there are also many holy places associated with the acts of the holy Apostles and other saints of God.

There are many holy places of Orthodoxy in Turkey and Greece. After all, the territories of these states over five hundred years ago formed the basis of the Orthodox Byzantine Empire. And as before, the capital of the empire, the former Constantinople and present-day Istanbul, is a holy city for every Orthodox Christian. And the main shrine of Greece is considered to be Holy Mount Athos. The pilgrimage to this blessed place never stopped.

In our Fatherland, saved by God, pilgrimage has long become widespread in many regions. Today, many traditional and folk forms of pilgrimage are being revived. For example, multi-day religious processions to a specific shrine or from one shrine to another. Many pilgrims come to Moscow and St. Petersburg. IN

Processions to the Tsar's martyrs have resumed in Yekaterinburg. Almost every diocese has shrines to which Orthodox people living in neighboring cities and villages go. A huge role is played by the pilgrimage services created in more than 50 dioceses, which organize this work, guide people, bless, receive, and nourish them in churches, monasteries and parishes. Millions of people in Russia go and worship to the miraculous icons of the Savior and the Mother of God, to holy springs, and the honest relics of God’s righteous people.

The pilgrimage of the Russian people to the Holy Land arises on the basis of the desire of the newly baptized people of Christ to directly participate in the events of the earthly life of the Savior, embodied in the topography and monuments of Palestine. Thus, the pilgrimage was a kind of insight into the meaning of the Gospel sermon, a special form of Liturgy and Eucharist, allowing a person to become a communicant of the Calvary Sacrifice and a participant in Communion with God. It is no coincidence that in the history of the life feat of St. Theodosius of Pechersk, his unsuccessful attempt at a pilgrimage to the Holy Land is replaced by obedience to the prosphora of the local church, which he himself understands precisely in the liturgical-Eucharistic sense: “Even if the Lord Himself calls His flesh (bread. - A. M.) , then how much more fitting is it for me to rejoice as a piecework worker, the Lord has vouchsafed me to be in His flesh”1.

It is obvious that in the ancient Russian Christian consciousness both actions were perceived as identical. The testimony of the “Life of St. Theodosius of Pechersk” can be considered one of the earliest confirming the aspiration of Russian people to the Holy Land. 13-year-old Theodosius “hearing about holy places... longing to go there and worship them and praying to God, saying... grant me permission to go to Thy holy places and worship them with joy”2. At this time, “wanderers” from holy places who were about to “go back” find themselves in Kursk. Together with them, the future monk makes his unsuccessful and only attempt at a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. This event took place in the early 40s of the 11th century. Life allows us to make interesting observations about the speed of movement at this time. After 12 years, the monk still manages to escape from his mother to Kyiv along with the merchants “to carry away the heavy burden.” They spend three weeks on this journey3. Considering that the distance from Kursk to Kyiv is about 420 km, their convoy traveled at a speed of 20 km per day. Obviously, the pilgrims moved about the same, or somewhat faster.

At the same time, pilgrimages also become a means of Christianization of the people, an active role in which is played by “passing kaliki”, connecting the newly enlightened Russia and the Holy Land through oral storytelling and creating the immediate effect of a living presence. “The wandering monk has become a necessary accessory of the ruling class,” - in this B. A. Romanov saw a significant achievement of the Church. At the same time, his attempt to fit the existing practice of pilgrimage into the “theory of vagrancy of the Russian people” is now perceived as half-hearted and fragmentary. “Wanderers” and “Kaliki” from the very beginning are represented as people who, according to the Church Charter of St. Prince Vladimir, were included in the church jurisdiction at least from the middle of the 12th century4. There is no doubt that among them could be “the lower classes of the big city and the scum of the southern villages and northern churchyards, covered here and there in the 12th century by the church organization,” forced to go on a long journey by meager living conditions (“striving to feed on free food while traveling”). , so the clergy, as is clear from Kirik’s questions, had to regulate these flows5.

However, despite the fact that behind the wandering chernets and chernitsy described in the monuments of ancient Russian literature, there really was “a very numerous and formidable wandering Russia as a widespread everyday phenomenon,” traveling “for abundance from poverty,” the desire to travel to Palestine can only be explained by these factors means to simplify the situation6. At the same time, one cannot help but admit that the desire of Russian people to the Holy Land in its mass forms found a unique and, in a number of its features, non-ecclesiastical reflection in the cycle of epics about Vaska Buslaev and the wandering Kalikas7. Scandinavian sagas also provide us with information about pilgrimage connections between Ancient Rus' and Palestine. The kings and their warriors serving in Rus' or in Constantinople, getting there through Gardariki, make pilgrimages to Palestine and Jerusalem. This is Jorsalir (Jorsalaborg and Jorsalaland) Jorsalaheim of the Scandinavian sagas.

The impressions and relics taken by the Scandinavians from the Holy Land were supposed to influence the spiritual development of ancient Russian society. Already the saga of the Ynglings perceives Jerusalem as a kind of edge of the earth8. Olaf the Saint, while in the service of Yaroslav the Wise (1019-1028), dreams of “going to Yorsalir or other holy places and taking a vow of obedience9. After the death of Olaf (1030), Thorir the Dog10 goes to Jorsalir. While in the service of the emperors Michael Catalact (1034-1041) and Michael Calafat (1041-1042), Harald Hardrada leads military operations in Palestine, bathes in the Jordan "as is the custom of pilgrims" and gives "rich offerings to the Holy Sepulcher and Holy Cross and other shrines in Jorsalaland." Further his path lies to Russia, where he becomes the son-in-law of Yaroslav the Wise. Some group of Scandinavians led by Skofti, the son of Egmund, was in Jerusalem until the sons of Magnus became kings Barefoot (1103). One of them, Sigurd the Crusader, made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 1108-1110, where he was “very well” received by Baldwin of Flanders (1100-1118), who arranged a “luxurious feast” in honor of the king and accompanied him on a pilgrimage to the Jordan12.

This message corresponds to the smallest detail with the news of Abbot Daniel, who was in Jerusalem in 1104-1107, that he also enjoyed the cordiality and patronage of “Baldwin, Prince of Jerusalem,” who “joyfully ordered the Russian abbot to go with him,” who was going to the Jordan13. Baldwin’s participation in the fate of Daniel also affected him when he set out to place a lamp on the Holy Sepulcher from the entire Russian land. The characteristic that the Orthodox pilgrim gives to the Latin prince is remarkable: “he knew me to be good and to love me as a great man, as if he were a good man and humble to a great man and not the least proud.”14 Jerusalem, indeed, at the beginning of the 12th century was a city of the ecclesiastical world. Baldwin of Flanders and the patriarch15 presented King Sigurd with many shrines, including “shavings from the Holy Cross”, which should be kept where Saint Olaf rests16. Obviously, the reliquary for the particle of the Tree of the Lord was arranged in the form of a cross, since it is further said that this holy cross was kept in the fortress of Konunghalle17. A similar reliquary cross comes from Tonsberg (Norway) and dates back to the end of the 11th century18.

In the period 1130-1136, according to the Saga of Magnus the Blind and Harald Gilli, Sigurd, the son of the priest Adalbrikt, visited the Holy Land. It is not known by what route this pilgrimage took place, but the Saga of the Sons of Harald Gilli, telling about the last known pilgrimage of the Scandinavians to Jerusalem from the sagas, which was undertaken by Erling Crooked in the middle of the 12th century, reports that it was made around Europe20. They went back to Norway “overland” through Constantinople. Perhaps their path lay through Ancient Rus'. The journey of the Scandinavians to the Holy Land through Ancient Rus' is also reported by a number of runic inscriptions of the 11th-12th centuries on stones found in Sweden21. One of them testifies that even women went on pilgrimages22. Thus, ancient Russian pilgrimages to the Holy Land begin, as can be concluded based on the life of St. Theodosius and Heimskringla, in the 20s-30s of the 11th century, and their main participants were representatives of the second generation after the baptism of Russia. This seems very significant and natural, indirectly indicating the extent of the spread of Christianity among the people.

Scandinavian pilgrimages to Palestine in the 11th and first half of the 12th centuries also took place across the territory of Ancient Rus'. Obviously, they could involve Russian people in their wanderings. The most massive pilgrimages to Palestine date back to the 12th century, about which there is a number of written evidence. Thus, in the middle of the 12th century, Hierodeacon Kirik, in his canonical questions to Archbishop Niphon of Novgorod (1130-1156), poses a pastoral problem about the spiritual benefits of pilgrimage to the Holy Land: “they go towards Jerusalem, to the saints, but I tell others not to go, I command food to be good to him. Now we have set something else, is there any sin for me, sir?” To which Archbishop Nifont of Novgorod replies: “Speak well, do good, and share it so that the walking ones may eat and drink separately, otherwise evil will be born,”23. Understanding “porozna” as “idle”24, we see in this a contrast to the pilgrimage of moral improvement on the spot (“I command him to be good”): a long journey and stay in idleness - inactivity, could have a negative impact on the fragile Christian soul. We propose to understand the expression “and to others I will fight” not in the sense that some go (for example, the Scandinavians passing to the Holy Land through Holmgard), and Kirik forbids others, but in the fact that people are going to Jerusalem, and he offers them other. We offer the following translation of this article: “They go towards Jerusalem to the holy places, but I, on the contrary, forbid, I do not order them to go. This prohibition was established by me recently, have I not sinned, Vladyka, in this... " The answer of Archbishop Nifont of Novgorod sounds like this: "You acted very well, since they go to eat and drink in idleness, and this is also evil, which should be banned." It is possible, however, that the phrase “to others I will fight” may mean the prohibition of pilgrimage only to some.

Perhaps, in connection with the same problem of pilgrimage, there is a question from Kirik and the answer of Archbishop Nifont about the Cross of the Lord: “Where is the Honest Cross? “This is how they will tell us: as if Constantinople had not reached Constantinople, when it was found, it ascended to heaven, so that place is called “God’s Ascension,” and the foot remains on earth.”25 Before us, obviously, is some fragment of an unknown church legend of an apocryphal nature, since particles of the Tree of the Cross, as revered relics, are repeatedly found both in descriptions of various pilgrimages and in pilgrimage relics, and in liturgical texts, and the geography of the distribution of particles of the Life-Giving Tree represents an independent interest. Archbishop Nifont could not have been unaware of the existence of such relics in Constantinople, where he traveled himself or only intended to go. Obviously, the apocrypha reported by Niphon also aims to counteract “jealousy beyond reason” in relation to pilgrimage to venerate the Holy Cross.

It is curious that a similar prohibition of pilgrimages occurs in the patristic writings of the 4th century. In one of his Easter messages, St. Gregory of Nyssa (t after 394) denounces the practice of pilgrimages of Cappadocian Christians to the Holy Land, pointing out that God in all His fullness dwells not only in the Holy Land, but also in the local Church, incarnate in visible abundance temples and altars. S. Mitchell believes that this is due to the fact that the long absence of male pilgrims from the sight of their families and neighbors had a detrimental effect on their morals26. Thus, in addition to pastoral concern for the spiritual life of the pilgrims themselves, such a ban on mass walks was aimed at the internal strengthening of the local church community and helped to prevent superstitions associated with the preference for prayer in a holy place before worship in the parish church. It is quite obvious that such prohibitions did not stop either the Russian people’s craving for pilgrimage, or the pilgrimages themselves, as is clear from reports from written sources and the “walkings” themselves. In this regard, it is advisable to raise the question of reflecting the ancient Russian journeys of the 11th-15th centuries to the Holy Land in archaeological monuments. However, here we are faced with the practical lack of development of this topic in the domestic archeology of Ancient Russia.

Reliquary with the relics of St. James.
Jose Lasada. 1884
Santiago de Compostella, Cathedral of St. James, crypt

At the same time, in Western European archaeological science there is a whole department of knowledge known as pilgrimage archeology. This is due both to the traditional interest of European scientists in this issue, and to the existence of a special culture of pilgrimage insignia in Western Europe during the Middle Ages27, which, apparently, did not exist in Ancient Russia. In our opinion, this is due to the special European mentality of the feudal era, which provided for a strict hierarchy of subordination and initiation, which was embodied in developed feudal symbolism. This assumed that a person who made a pilgrimage to the shrine found himself in spiritual subordination to it, dedicated himself in a certain way to this shrine, as evidenced by the insignia sewn to clothing in a prominent place. Most of the famous insignia are associated with internal European pilgrimages, in particular with routes connecting Central Europe with the Spanish city of Santiago de Compostella, where the relics of St. James the Apostle rested.

Reliquary.
The end of the XII - the beginning of the XIII century. Germany. Silver; engraving. 1.5x1.9.
Engraved inscription in two lines: Beatus Stefanus
Comes from excavations of the ancient Russian city of Izyaslavl (Volyn principality, territory of modern Western Ukraine). Found in 1958 by the Volyn expedition of the Leningrad branch of the Institute of Archeology of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Inv. ERA-34/293
State Hermitage Museum
Exhibition "Holy Rus'"

The only sewn-on plaque known to us depicting the appearance of an Angel to the myrrh-bearing women against the backdrop of the rotunda of the Holy Sepulcher and the inscription “Holy Sepulcher” (Sepulcntm Domini), which was a pilgrimage insignia, comes from the ancient Russian city of Izyaslavl (Kiev province) and apparently dates back to the first half of the 13th century . True, in Izyaslavl of this time a very significant influence of the religious life of Western Europe is felt, which makes the possibility of the appearance of this insignia here as a result of a pilgrimage of a local resident problematic, although possible. A metal cylinder with the relics of the first martyr Stephen and a piece of the Tree of the Lord (Lignum Domini) also comes from Izyaslavl, the inscriptions on which are made in Latin. Due to the fact that this form of reliquary was characteristic of Constantinople, it is worth assuming that the cylinder was made during the Latin Empire after 1204 and, accordingly, after this time it came to Russia28.

The absence of pilgrimage insignia in Rus' forces us to turn to imported items in the archaeological material of the cultural layer of ancient Russian settlements, which reflect the inter-church relations of the time of interest to us and can serve as pilgrimage relics brought from the Holy Land. The most reliable source of such connections are lead-tin ampoules-eulogy for holy water and blessed oil, which pilgrims received from the shrines they visited. Such ampoules were the Monza ampoules from the Holy Land, famous in Christian archeology, dating back to the 6th century and studied by A. Grabar, which present us with the most ancient iconography of the entire cycle of gospel subjects29. However, the ampoules known in Rus', originating from Novgorod (estate “I” of the Nerevsky excavation site), are associated with pilgrimages to the holy places of Byzantium, primarily to Thessaloniki to the relics of the holy great martyr Demetrius30. Based on the study of archaeological finds in the cultural strata of Novgorod at the indicated estate of M. V. Sedova, it was possible to record an entire “pilgrimage complex” of the second half of the 12th century, again associated with pilgrimages to or from Greece31, represented by a number of stone icons of Byzantine work, which in combination with the indicated ampoules, a priestly baptismal vessel for oil and myrrh characterize the life of the Novgorod medieval clergy32. However, these discoveries are not directly related to the pilgrimage to the Holy Land. We will have to turn to other archaeological evidence.

2. Items of personal piety and church life, connected by their origin with Palestine

The traditional pilgrimage relics of our time, brought from the Holy Land, as well as from Mount Athos, are crosses and icons made of mother-of-pearl. If we assume that this tradition also existed in Ancient Rus', then finds of items made of mother-of-pearl should indicate this kind of pilgrimage connections. Currently, mother-of-pearl crosses have been found in four locations on the territory of Russia. Four crosses of similar shapes (a square center cross and rounded ends of the branches, dimensions 20x15 mm) come from Novgorod from the Trinity excavation site (estate “A” 16-436, 1155-1184; estate “M” 3-851, 80s XIII - 40s of the 14th centuries; estate “I”, 5-1100, end of the 13th - beginning of the 14th centuries) and from the Ilyinsky excavation site (19-236, 1230-1260). Let us note that the estate “A” belonged at the indicated time to the famous priest and icon painter Olisei Grechin, known from the Novgorod chronicle33, and the estate “I” is also associated with church and monastic life and apparently belonged to the nuns of the Varvara Monastery34. The estate of the Ilyinsky excavation site in the 14th century belonged to the viceroy of the Archbishop of Veliky Novgorod, Felix. It is worth noting as a remarkable detail that in a single complex of finds, along with crosses made of mother-of-pearl, slate crosses with a characteristic square center cross and round blades were found (Troitsky - V, “A”, 16-434, 15-392), as well as a slate cross, large in size, with round foil inserts and the same middle cross, the blades of which have a subtriangular shape (Troitsky - I-IV, 13-99). These crosses are presumably of southern Russian origin, which additionally indicates the direction of the spiritual ties of the owners of this estate. It is possible that the shape of crosses with a square center cross, the blades of which are conveyed by a ledge, takes its origins in Byzantine art.

A similar cross, dating from pre-Mongol times, comes from the site of Zvenigorod, located on one of the tributaries of the Dniester35. We admit that this form of crosses could influence the appearance of a special type of Old Russian bronze vest crosses with a square center cross and with balls at the ends of the second half of the 12th-13th centuries, common in the Old Russian village of that time36.

A small cross made of mother-of-pearl and fragments of mother-of-pearl were found in the famous treasure of pre-Mongol times at the site of Devichya Gora near the village of Sakhnovka in the Kiev province, from which comes the famous golden diadem depicting an apocryphal scene of the ascension of Alexander the Great37. Finally, the eight-pointed mother-of-pearl cross comes from the cultural layer of Izyaslavl. Thus, most of the mother-of-pearl crosses date back to pre-Mongol times and characterize the life of the ancient Russian clergy. Obviously, it was these representatives of ancient Russian society who found themselves in the Holy Land more often than others. However, in the 14th century, the production of mother-of-pearl crosses and icons was not limited to the Holy Land. At this time, a workshop of a mother-of-pearl carver appeared under the Bulgarian Patriarchate in Velikiy Tarnov, which used both sea and river mother-of-pearl38. Researchers associate the revival of mother-of-pearl production in Bulgaria with the monastic teaching of the hesychasts spreading from Athos, in which mother-of-pearl could have the meaning of a symbol of the uncreated Tabor light39. Thus, it is not yet possible to unambiguously connect ancient Russian crosses made of mother-of-pearl with pilgrimage relics from Palestine.

The spread of some varieties of incense in Ancient Rus' may be associated with Palestine. The charter of Prince Vsevolod of 1136 still distinguishes between thyme and frankincense, while monuments of later times use them as synonyms, and in the era of the mature Middle Ages the term “thyme” is used exclusively40. It is worth assuming that the word “thyme” - a copy of the Greek “incense” - in the 12th century meant imported eastern incense. In this regard, it is worth noting that. Abbot Daniel pays surprisingly great attention to incense and its production in his “walk.” On the island of Nakrin, “gotfin black thyme is born,” which is brewed from tree resin and dust. This incense is “thrown into a skin and sold to merchants”41. A separate chapter is devoted to Cypriot incense-thyme. Frankincense, obviously also of resinous origin, in the abbot’s imagination “falls from the sky like the dew of the month of July or August...” onto the mountain grass and low-growing trees from which it is collected, “but in other months it does not fall”42.

Obviously, this interest is explained by a certain shortage of high-quality thyme in Ancient Rus'. The only mention of incense-thyme, found in Novgorod birch bark documents and reflecting the “structures of everyday life” of its existence, indirectly confirms our assumption. We are talking about birch bark document No. 660, coming from the estate “I” of the Trinity excavation site, dated stratigraphically from the 50s of the 12th to the 10th years of the 13th centuries. This is a fragment of a document that can be read as follows: “spangle 2, knife, bowl of thyme”43. We are talking about a dish with incense - a unique evidence of ancient Russian liturgical practice. Considering that the archaeological complex of this estate is firmly connected with church and monastic life and, possibly, with the residence of nuns and clergy here near the nearby Varvarinsky monastery, as well as the fact that the term knife denoted a liturgical copy44, it is worth assuming that the document refers to a set of things necessary to perform the service. As we have seen, from the same estate “I” comes a mother-of-pearl cross dating from this time, which can be attributed to the pilgrimage relics of the Holy Land.

Thus, the appearance of thyme in Ancient Rus' could be caused not only by hierarchical and church-economic ties with the Patriarchate of Constantinople, but also by the pilgrimage of Russian people to the East. Another confirmation of church-economic and pilgrimage contacts between Rus' and the Holy Land can be found in ancient Russian finds of amphorae with the rather rare mark SSS*5. Trade in imported church wine in Rus' is usually associated with amphoras. The Latin mark dates these finds to the time of the Crusades and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, that is, before 1291. In addition to Novgorod, where the find dates back to the 12th century, a similar amphora comes from Novogrudok46.

Two quadrifolium reliquaries from the end of the 13th-14th centuries should be included in this circle of pilgrimage relics, since the inscriptions on them indicate that they were receptacles for shrines from Palestine. First of all, we should talk about the Russian reliquary cross from the sacristy of the cathedral in Hildesheim, which was finally adequately published in Russian archaeological literature47. The shape of the carving and paleography date the cross to the end of the 13th - the turn of the 13th/14th centuries, however, the biconical bead of the head can be attributed to the 10th-11th centuries. The front side depicts the Crucifixion with those present surrounded by the Archangel rank. The inner side has an image of King Constantine and Queen Helen at the foot of the Cross. On the petals of the quadrifolium there is an inscription that among the shrines there are also relics from the Holy Land: the Cross of the Lord, the Holy Sepulcher, the Tomb of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the bed of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the fasting woman of the Lord and others. The mention of the name Elijah in the owner's inscription and the image of the prophet of God Elijah on the reverse side of the cross allowed I. A. Shlyapkin to date the cross to the 12th century and associate it with the Novgorod Archbishop Elijah (1165-1185), who, according to the hagiographic tradition, made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land48.

Despite the fact that this hypothesis has been criticized (D.V. Ainalov, V.N. Myasoedov, N.V. Ryndina), we consider the real appearance of these relics and the reliquary itself in Rus' already in the 12th century and admit a possible connection with Saint Archbishop Elijah-John, stipulating that the cross was altered or restored later. The ancient tradition of the family to which the shrines belonged is indicated by the use of an archaic biconical bead during the restoration of the reliquary in the 13th century.

How the cross ended up in Germany remains a mystery. A similar listing of relics from the Holy Land is also found on the famous ark - the reliquary of Archbishop Dionysius of Suzdal, dating back to 138349. The Ark has the same quadrifolium shape, but is not a pectoral cross, being much larger in size. However, as the inscription on the ark reports, these relics of the Holy Land were collected by the archbishop during a diplomatic trip to Constantinople and, thus, do not constitute evidence of a pilgrimage to Palestine. The shrines themselves are repeatedly mentioned in a number of “walks” of Russian people to Constantinople, which was undoubtedly known in Rus'. Thus, the Holy Tomb relics could not have come to Russia directly from Palestine, and therefore an unambiguous interpretation of the mentions of them as evidence of ancient Russian pilgrimages to the Holy Land is incorrect. Often, the relics of the Holy Land do not reflect specific church ties between Rus' and Palestine, but the spiritual connection of the Russian Church with its evangelical origins.

Among the ancient Russian works of applied art, there are a number of reliquary crosses of the quadrifolium form from the 14th-15th centuries with the image of the Crucifixion. It would be very tempting to connect their appearance with the movements of the Russian people of that time, but so far there are no sufficient grounds for this, although the quadrifolium form itself should have been borrowed from Byzantium. As we have just seen, archaeological data do not allow us to unambiguously connect the origin of some objects of personal piety and church life with Palestine. However, their Mediterranean or Byzantine origin is undoubted, and the predominant time of distribution is in good agreement with written evidence of an increase in the number of visits to the Holy Land from the second half of the 12th century. These archaeological materials to some extent characterize the culture of ancient Russian pilgrimage of the time under study. However, there is another interesting circle of Russian antiquities that are directly related to our topic.

3. Stone icons depicting the Holy Sepulcher as evidence of the pilgrimage of Russian people to the Holy Land

Among the works of ancient Russian small stone sculpture there is a whole series of icons from the 12th to 15th centuries, representing the appearance of the Angel to the myrrh-bearing women and the apostles, the background of which is the architecture of the Church of the Resurrection of Christ. These icons, undoubtedly made in Ancient Rus', and not brought from Palestine, at the same time represent the cultural and historical background of ancient Russian pilgrimage and veneration of Palestinian shrines, which in turn was generated by the “walks” themselves, which were an active means of Christianization of Russia. Stone images, of which there are currently about 40, were summarized by T.V. Nikolaeva in her major work, which we mainly use50. The existing cast icons of the Holy Sepulcher of the Russian Museum in St. Petersburg, represented by a small group, only more or less successfully copy the stone ones. Our task is to trace the direct connection between the evolution of the iconography of icons and the perception of the Holy Land by ancient Russian pilgrims.

The display of the architectural and topographical realities of the Holy Land has its own historiography, and at one time attracted the attention of N.V. Pokrovsky and D.V. Ainalov. Analyzing the iconography of the Resurrection of Christ, N.V. Pokrovsky came to the conclusion about the topographical unreliability of the images of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in the iconography represented by both facial codes and objects of applied art: “Speaking about the entire set of monuments, it cannot be argued that they convey an exact copy of the actual temple, different forms of the temple on different monuments speak against this accuracy”51. In the early avoria of the 5th-7th centuries (Bamberg avorium, Milan diptych), the Holy Sepulcher appears as a complex structure of a rectangular building topped with a rotunda, while in the ampoules of Monza the temple is depicted with a conventional image of a building with a gable roof. The researcher notes that if the facial psalters more often depict the Church of the Resurrection in the form of a “tent booth,” then in medieval miniatures of the West it is usually a rotunda, a domed building or the facade of a basilica.

It is noteworthy that written sources also describe the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in different ways: if Paul the Silentiary, Anthony of Piachensky of 570 and Byzantine monuments speak of a tented ciborium, then Eusebius Pamphilus and Anonymous of 530 testify to a rotunda52. Nevertheless, N.V. Pokrovsky believes that the authors of these compositions “kept in mind” the image of the Church of Constantine53. Changes in the iconography of the Resurrection of Christ date back to the 9th-11th centuries, when the dogmatically meaningful composition “The Descent into Hell” appeared in the East as a consequence of the Resurrection, and sleeping warriors and a coffin-sarcophagus with an overturned lid were introduced into the scene of the Resurrection itself (undoubtedly traces of Latin iconography. - A. M.), and in the West the image of Christ the triumphant, rising from the tomb, appears, which becomes dominant in Easter iconography from the 13th century54.

D. V. Ainalov55 was also involved in depicting the architectural realities of Palestine in applied art. He also came to the conclusion that the topographical realities of the Holy Land do not find concrete embodiment in works of applied art. Let us note that both N.V. Pokrovsky and D.V. Ainalov naturally considered those monuments in which the architectural background of the events of the Resurrection of Christ was most interesting and representative. Thus, their focus was primarily on fairly early objects of applied art of European origin, dating from the 6th to 11th centuries. They did not study Russian stone icons with the Holy Sepulcher.

Currently, N.V. Ryndina has thoroughly researched the question of the composition of the iconographic type of the “Holy Sepulcher” in Ancient Rus' from the point of view of the methodology of modern art criticism56. Touching on the issue of the connection between iconography and walking, the researcher made the assumption that “Daniel’s lengthy and detailed story could hardly serve as the basis for a holistic and laconic composition, which is characteristic of ancient works of small sculpture... The description cannot be equal to the impressions associated with specific models in the form of zions - these models reproduce the temple in a simplified form...”57.

Holy Sepulcher. Sample.
XIII century. Novgorod. Silver, slate; thread. 8.4x7.
State Historical Museum.
Received in 1923 from the former Rumyantsev Museum. Was in the collection of E.E. Egorova.
Inv. 54626 OK 9198
Exhibition "Holy Rus'"

The main conclusions of N.V. Ryndina boil down to the following. The iconography of the Holy Sepulcher takes shape in Rus' and especially in Novgorod (most of the icons are made from clay shales of the North-West) against the backdrop of widespread pilgrimages to the Holy Land in the 12th-15th centuries. The icons, while not actually pilgrimage relics, reflect the local veneration of Jerusalem shrines, in particular the Tomb itself, which is indirectly proven by the manufacture of these icons from stone. The iconography emerges from the local craft tradition (wood carvings and filigree), influenced by the overall compositional plan of supposed Romanesque samples, while Byzantine features are felt in the details. In general, the process proceeds in the direction of processing well-known motifs of Romanesque art into a purely Russian phenomenon. At the same time, the architectural background of the appearance of the Angel to the myrrh-bearing women is considered as an element of Romanesque iconography, contrasted with the traditions of Byzantine art.

In the XIV-XV centuries, national Russian elements appeared in icons, primarily multi-domed and symmetrical, and the image of the Church of the Resurrection merges with the image of Hagia Sophia of Constantinople, since both temples are abstractly depicted as three-domed with two towers at the edges. The disappearance of this type in the 16th century is associated with the attack of “Moscow dogmatism” on Novgorod liberties: “Free iconographic interpretation... in the 16th century, due to the widespread onset of church dogma, could be withdrawn from religious works as an expression of a non-canonical, too individual interpretation of the topic”58 .

Thus, if in the icons of the 12th-13th centuries one can still read the architectural realities of the Jerusalem single-domed temple, then later they disappear, being replaced by abstract images of the Russian five-domed church. It turns out that the connection of this iconographic type with the pilgrimages of Russian people to the Holy Land is very conditional. Not being pilgrimage relics, they, strictly speaking, do not even constitute the background of the pilgrimage, being only abstract reminiscences and very far from living communion with the shrines of Palestine. At the same time, the icons are contrasted with much more specific models of the Jerusalem Temple - liturgical vessels of the sion type, used in the rite of censing Great Vespers and at the Great Entrance59.

However, it can be considered proven that these vessels, generally reproducing the main part of the Holy Sepulcher Church - the edicule, were at the same time a collective image of all Jerusalem shrines and an icon of Heavenly Jerusalem60. In passing, we note that in terms of liturgical ecclesiology, embodied in the bishop's service, during which the sion were primarily used, they rather testified to the belonging of the local local Church to the conciliar unity of the Universal Church and to their inextricable unity. T. V. Nikolaeva is very careful about the connection of icons with the Holy Sepulcher with pilgrimages to the Holy Land and, unlike N. V. Ryndina, believes that the initial development of this plot was made not by Novgorod, but by South Russian, perhaps Kiev, masters61.

Further development of this iconography took place in Novgorod. At the same time, the researcher insists on the originality of this iconographic plot in Ancient Russia: “Neither the Kiev, nor Novgorod, nor Central Russian monuments were based on either Byzantine or Western European works of art. In ancient Russian small sculpture made of stone, there are many completely original works of art created by the creativity of Russian masters, who revealed the national character in the selection and transmission of iconographic subjects”62. At the same time, T.V. Nikolaeva does not deny the features of Western European Romanesque plastic art in the very style of images, in the nature of flat relief and linear ornamentation of clothes in a number of stone Novgorod icons”63. For us, T.V. Nikolaeva’s conclusion about the local composition of the iconography of the Holy Sepulcher seems extremely important, which, in our opinion, does not exclude the participation of imported iconographic types in this process, but suggests that the source of the composition of the details of this plot were the direct impressions of pilgrims of the Holy Land. N.V. Ryndina, it seems to us, believes that the embodiment of this plot in Rus' is connected with the previous tradition of artistic images64.

In her monograph, N.V. Ryndina examines the issues of the origin and style of the type of icons that interest us against the broad background of the development of applied art in Rus' in the 14th-15th centuries65. The very origin of the plot is definitely associated with Novgorod and the mass pilgrimages of Novgorodians to the Holy Land, which gave rise to a “purely material attitude towards the subject of faith” characteristic of the Middle Ages, which was reflected in the production of such icons66. A direct connection with pilgrimage can be seen in icon No. 286 from Yaroslavl, where pilgrims approaching the Jordan are depicted in the right corner67. In subsequent works, this pilgrim group already turns into Magi68.

At the same time, Novgorod acts “as the creator of a special type of carved icon, which combined the functions of a relic, a talisman and a kind of topographical indicator”69. Three-part icons depicting the Resurrection, the Holy Sepulcher and the Crucifixion were a kind of itinerary, pointing to the central Jerusalem shrines - the temples of the Holy Sepulcher, the Resurrection and two temples on the site of Golgotha70. In this sense, multi-part icons are comparable to European pilgrimage insignia, which were sewn onto clothing in accordance with the order and number of shrines visited. A number of iconographic details are confirmed in written sources. The image of the Holy Spirit in the form of a dove over the temple corresponds to the message of the walks about the descent of grace into holy places in this very image. The image of the Angelic Forces between the pillars of the temple finds its basis in the description of temple mosaics of the 15th century, made by the monk from Novgorod Barsanuphius71.

Typological discrepancies in the depiction of the three-, five- and seven-domed temple lie in the heterogeneity of sources, different in time and dating back to different artistic traditions72. It follows that the source of images can only be previous images. Despite a number of topographical realities, the shape of the temple on icons of this type reproduces, in the opinion of N.V. Ryndina, not the Temple of Jerusalem, but St. Sophia of Constantinople73.

Icons of the type under study were not used as pectoral images, but served as “traveling” icons, which were taken on the road in special bags - amulet74. Thus, they could accompany a Russian person on pilgrimage. In her subsequent works, N.V. Ryndina definitely considers the icons in question to be ancient Russian pilgrimage relics”75. However, if earlier the mass distribution of such icons in Novgorod was explained by “a naive pagan belief in the “good magic” of stone relics”76, now the icons are considered as a multi-layered ideological composition, reflecting such ideas “which cannot be identified in the stable canonical structure of a pictorial icon and which were known only from written sources and their reflection in the folklore of modern times: they reflected the canonical interpretations of the liturgical action, the ancient apocrypha, as well as the historical and topographical realities of the Holy Land”77. Sometimes the alleged contamination of dogmatic, liturgical and apocryphal symbols is so complex that it can baffle even an educated theologian, and not just a simple believer.

Because of this, some of the proposed interpretations seem overly artificial or very doubtful from the point of view of the possibility of their existence in the medieval mentality. Extremely eclectic and ponderous from a theological point of view, although theoretically admissible, seem to be systems of such interconnected concepts identified during the analysis of compositions such as “Resurrection - Myrrh-Bearers - Baptism - Magi - Sunday Vigil”78, “Holy Sepulcher - openwork canopy of Edicule - paten - star - proskomedia"79, "Christ - Ascension - cloud - trunk of the tree of life - paten - sacrifice"80, "Resurrection - arched frame of St. Nicholas - heavenly gates - Heavenly Jerusalem"81.

It is noteworthy that the plot of the “Holy Sepulcher” is considered in connection with the iconographic images on the reverse sides of the icons (selected saints, the Crucifixion, etc.). Icons with a three-part composition representing not only the “Holy Sepulcher”, but also the “Resurrection” and “Crucifixion” are highlighted in a separate category of pilgrimage relics. They are no longer considered as peculiar itineraria. The evolution of the iconographic type, the dependence of which on Romanesque art is no longer mentioned, occurs along the line of strengthening the liturgical aspect of the composition, which consists in illustrating individual moments of the Liturgy and in the creation of “abstract symbolic images”82.

Since the 15th century, the multi-layered symbolism of the temple, in terms of time and interpretation, motives and subjects have been supplanted by the unification of the pictorial tradition, represented by a high iconostasis and counteracting Russian heresies83. It is important to note that in her latest work, the researcher puts forward a general thesis about the connection between the architectural background of the images and the real history of the architecture of the Jerusalem Temple and with the messages of “walkings to the Holy Land”84. “Interesting results,” writes N.V. Ryndina, “are provided by observations of the evolution of architectural forms in stone reliefs with the “Holy Sepulcher.” They range from the forms of the ancient rotunda above the Sepulcher to the Church of the Resurrection as a historical complex with separate chapel-churches on the site of the Passion of the Lord.”85 The “detailed architectural background” of the icons86 is noted, which quite accurately captured the features of the most important Jerusalem shrines: “Perhaps, on no other Eastern Christian pilgrimage eulogies was the Holy City of Jerusalem depicted with such a degree of specificity”87. However, there are still no specific observations comparing the evolution of the architectural background of the icons with the various descriptions of the temple and the city available in the “walkings”. Obviously, the researchers are dominated by the thesis about the representation in iconography of the abstract image of Heavenly Jerusalem88, which, by the way, is even included in the title of the article under consideration.

Thus, in recent works, a direction has been outlined for the study of the iconography of the icons of the Holy Sepulcher, associated with the embodiment of architectural and topographical realities in them, which has not yet received further development. Moreover, if the composition of three-part icons is quite firmly associated with the topography of the holy places in Jerusalem, then the display of the architecture of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher seems conventional, falling under some abstract symbol of the Eastern Christian temple associated with the theology of the Heavenly Jerusalem.

To answer the question about the degree of accuracy of reproduction of architectural and archaeological realities in pilgrimage relics, it is necessary to compare information about the architectural history of the Church of the Holy Resurrection, known from “walkings”, with the iconography of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, existing in ancient Russian small stone sculpture. First, let us consider the architectural features of the Resurrection Church in Jerusalem known from the “walks” and the characteristic features of the divine services performed there in the 12th-15th centuries, which we will need in the upcoming study.

Hegumen Daniel, who made the first ancient Russian “walk” to the Holy Land recorded in the sources in 1104-110789, describes the Church of the Holy Sepulcher as follows: “The Church of the Resurrection of the Lord is like this: it was created in a circle, it has 12 pillars, and 6 back pillars; There are red marble boards, there are 6 doors, and on the plates of the pillars there are 16... above the altar, Christ is written in the hymn. In the altar it is written with greatness that there is Adam’s Exaltation (The Descent into Hell. - A.M.), and the top of the mountain is written with the Ascension of the Lord... The top of the blood is not completely covered with a stone top, but is covered with boards, wood hewn in a carpenter’s manner and the taco is without a top and not covered with anything. Under the same roof, uncovered, there is the Holy Sepulcher... like a small stove, cut from stone... 4 cubits in length and width... Climb into that stove with those small doors on the right side, there is like a bench cut into the same stone of the liver , on that bench lay the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, and now that holy bench is covered with marble boards and there are 3 round windows on the side. And through those windows, all Christians kiss that holy stone and kiss it. Hanging in the Holy Sepulcher are 5 great chandeliers with wooden oil..., three stones lie in front of the doors of the stove... On that stone an Angel sat and appeared to the women... Above that stove was created like a red tower, on the pillar and its top it is round and forged with gilded silver scales, and on the top of the tower stands Christ, made of silver, like a man in pain. And then the essence of the mud was made and installed”90.

Hegumen Daniel reports that this description was created not only on his visual impressions, but also on the basis of careful questioning: “having experienced good from those who exist long ago.”

To the description of the architecture of the temple itself, it is necessary to add the image of the descent of the Holy Fire, as it is recorded in the “walks”. The history of the rite of the Holy Fire was developed in detail by N. D. Uspensky91. Despite the refutations of Abbot Daniel, ideas about the descent of the Holy Fire onto the Tomb in the form of a dove or a lightning ray were quite widespread and viable. This was reported both by Hierodeacon Zosima in 1420 and by hieromonks-pilgrims Macarius and Sylvester in 170492. According to N.D. Uspensky, these contradictory descriptions, which affirm the evidence of the descent of Fire itself, convey primarily the external image of the perception of the rite, due to which they do not represent scientific value for the study of the rite itself93. But for our question they are especially valuable, since it was this impressive external image that could be recorded in iconography.

According to the opinion of N.D. Uspensky, the rite of the Holy Fire only at the beginning of the 12th century, that is, at the time of the walk of Daniel, was formed as a special liturgical structure following the vespers of Great Saturday, as is clear from the “walkings” of that time and the St. Tomb Typikon of 112294. The rite itself goes back to the rite of evening thanksgiving with the lamp, accompanied by the lighting of the lamp in the congregation, and to the preparation of the Resurrection Church for Easter Matins during the service of the 9th hour95. The order received its initial design under Saint Sophronius of Jerusalem (634 - 643) and is reflected in various manuscripts of the Jerusalem canonary of the 9th-11th centuries96. The beginning of the 12th century also saw the formation of the peculiarities of its folk-religious perception in the mentality of mass pilgrimage, although the first description of the miracle was from the pilgrim Bernard (c. 870).

Existing ideas about lightning and a dove as images of the descent of the Holy Fire should have been reflected in the iconography of the Holy Sepulcher, which was a pilgrimage practice. This is exactly what we see in the works of ancient Russian small plastic art, which convey the descent of the Holy Fire onto the Holy Sepulcher, either in the form of a dove, or in the form of straight rays depicting the action of the Holy Spirit, or in the form of lightning of a complex dome shape, having a woven structure of rays and descending from the image Christ. Reporting on the lighting of the Holy Fire on the Tomb on Holy Saturday, Abbot Daniel says that “the grace of God invisibly descends from heaven and the chandeliers are lit,” while also mentioning incorrect opinions about the descent of the Holy Light in the form of a dove and in the form of lightning97.

Remarkable is the message that the “glass kandil”, bought by Abbot Daniel at the auction, is placed directly on the Tomb to perform the rite of the Holy Fire, while “the Fryag kandils are hanged for grief”98. The Light itself is described as unlike earthly fire, “but it shines wonderfully differently, its flame is scarlet, like cinnabar”99. When the abbot comes to pick up his lamp, he manages to measure “with himself” the length and width of the Coffin (“in front of people it is impossible for anyone to measure”) and receives a piece of the stone of the Coffin as a pilgrimage relic: the cleric of the temple “by moving the board that is in the heads of the Holy Sepulcher , and then break something from the holy stone for a blessing, and forbid me with an oath to tell anyone in Jerusalem”100. The legend about the descent of the Holy Fire in the form of a dove carrying fire in its beak is also refuted by Hierodeacon Zosima around 1420101. It is noteworthy that the practice of the Rite of Fire on Holy Saturday apparently existed in Rus' in the 15th century and was brought from Jerusalem practice in the same way as the removal after reading the 5th Gospel at Matins of Great Friday and the censing of the altar at the beginning of Easter Matins102. Metropolitan Zosima (1490 -1494) in one of his letters condemned the rite of sealing the Royal Doors on Holy Saturday, which could just be connected with the rite of the Holy Fire103.

However, let us return to the descriptions of the Holy Sepulcher and the descent of the Holy Fire by Abbot Daniel, which fully correspond to the early versions of the icons under consideration, where the Church of the Holy Sepulcher is depicted as single-domed. This tradition is most fully reflected by icon No. 13 of South Russian origin in Nikolaeva’s catalogue. Here, a large Byzantine-type dome with arched window openings located around the circumference has an open top. Above the dome is a half-length image of the Lord with raised hands, surrounded by two angels, which should correspond to the image of the “Ascension of the Lord” written by the “mountain above” by the “musie”. True, the transcens of the Holy Sepulcher are not three, as Daniel testifies, but five. Four “Fryagian kandils” are hung over the Tomb. It was they who did not catch fire on Holy Saturday. The edicule itself is not represented on the icon, or its image merges with the dome of the temple. However, a peculiar equivalent of the Edicule of the Sepulcher is the braided arc descending from Christ, in which we see the very process of the descent of the Holy Fire. This is all the more likely since the beginning of this arc is given by parallel rays departing from Christ, which usually depict the descent of the Holy Spirit, which corresponds to the words of the abbot that the grace of God descends invisibly, and not in the form of lightning or a dove.

The iconographic type of the descent of the Holy Fire in the form of an arc descending from above on a vertical flow should include icons of the three-part composition Nos. 71 and 72, where the single-domed temple and the scene of the convergence are depicted by a schematic line. A single-domed temple with an image of the Ascension, comparable to icon No. 13, is depicted on icon No. 154. In passing, we note that if the ancient Russian iconography of the Church of the Resurrection reflects very specific features of Byzantine architecture, then the Romanesque iconography of the Holy Sepulcher of the same period, known from the pilgrimage insignia from Izyaslavl, continues the abstract traditions of the previous time, depicting the temple in the form of a building with a flat roof topped with a rotunda.

Icon No. 130 goes back to icon No. 13, where the shapes of the single-domed temple are close to those just described. The image of the Ascension is replaced by the image of a dove surrounded by two angels, which should reflect the opinion about the descent of fire in the “form of a dove.” In this case, replacing the parallel rays emanating from Christ with the image of a dove, also symbolizing the Holy Spirit, seems justified. We do not agree with the interpretation proposed by T.V. Nikolaeva and N.V. Ryndin of the Tomb as a throne on which stands the sacrificial Chalice104. In this Chalice we see those “glass kandils” that on Holy Saturday the Greeks and Russians placed directly on the Tomb, while the “Fryag kandils” were suspended in the Edicule. The placing of lamps on the Tomb after their washing on Holy Saturday is one of the characteristic features of the Rite of Holy Fire preserved in the Orthodox Church, which is noted in ancient euchologies and which did not exist in Latin liturgical practice105. This explains the fact that the Latin lamps did not light up, while the lamps of the Eastern Church placed on the Tomb did light up.

Icon No. 161 also belongs to the iconographic type of the Holy Sepulcher with a lamp placed on it, which depicts a five-domed temple with onion domes and hanging candiles. Icon No. 153 also has an image of a bowl-lamp on the Tomb, into which the blessed fire descends in the form of rays of the Holy Spirit, although its stylistic and compositional features are significantly different. The image of the lamp on the Tomb is also on icon No. 367, which has a keel-shaped top and depicts a four-domed temple. In this regard, we propose to distinguish two iconographic types of the Holy Sepulcher in early Old Russian stone sculpture on the basis of significant architectural and liturgical features, which will allow them to be grouped without taking into account stylistic and artistic features.

1) Initially, the Church of the Resurrection was represented by a single-domed Byzantine structure, which included the descent of the Holy Fire in the form of an arc over the Holy Sepulcher. The Edicule can be identified here with the dome of the temple or with the image of the descent of Fire (Nos. 13, 71, 72, 154).

2) The single-domed Church of the Resurrection is complemented by a lamp on the Tomb with or without the image of the descent of Fire itself, which is subsequently embodied in multi-domed compositions. (Nos. 130, 367, 161, 153). The display of the late stage of development of the architecture of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, which, obviously, in the 14th - 15th centuries had elongated tower forms, also takes place in Old Russian plastic art. We have already mentioned the observation of N.V. Pokrovsky about the images of the Church of the Resurrection in Greek facial psalters in the form of a “tent booth”. It is curious that we have such an image of the Jerusalem temples in the oldest Russian facial proskintarium, which is part of the Rogozh collection of 1440-1450106. In this case, these are illustrations for the “walk” of Archimandrite Agraphenia in 1370.

Despite the fact that the artistic meaning of the drawings is minimal, and they themselves are schematic and primitive, we can get concrete ideas about the architecture of the Holy Places. Here both Holy Zion and David's fob have tent-shaped endings. The “walkings” of this time also depict the complex composition of the architecture of the Jerusalem Temple. Hierodeacon Zosima describes the Holy Sepulcher as a “yakokonik” “near the wall” of the cave itself. The same traveler reports that there are three churches in Jerusalem: “the first is the Holy of Holies, the second is Holy Zion, the third is the Holy Resurrection. The Holy Resurrection has two tops: one is with the poppy tree and with the cross, above the earthly navel, the other is above the Holy Sepulcher, this top is uncovered. And above the Holy Sepulcher there is a stone temple, like a church, like a dumpling with an altar, without a vestibule.”107 Consequently, there are five domes in total, which suggests that the image of Jerusalem could be associated with a five-domed temple.

At the same time, we must remember that there are three churches in Jerusalem, and the image of the temple-city could be imagined as having three domes. In connection with our research, it is worth paying attention to Zosima’s message that around the Holy Sepulcher there are seven places of worship of various faiths108. Unfortunately, the text contains a blank at this point and only mentions “the sixth Jacobites beyond the Sepulchre” and “against the seventh Nestorians.” The use of the ordinal number in the feminine gender is unclear: it could mean that Zosima calls the outer altars of the Church of the Resurrection chapel-churches. Ignatius of Smolyanin also reports about 7 different Churches performing services around the Holy Sepulcher, but since the “Fryazis” serve in three places, there are 9 thrones in total: the Greeks serve “opposite the Sepulcher”, the Romans - “on the right”, the Armenians - “on the floor on the right” ”, Fryazi - “to the right of the land”, Syrians - “from there”, obviously nearby, “Jacobites” - behind the Sepulcher”, Fryazi - “to the left of them”, Germans - “from there”, behind them Fryazi - “from that service” .

In this case, we can talk about the seven-domed perception of the City and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. The studied icons of the 14th - 15th centuries, with their architectural background, precisely represent a three-domed (No. 166, 300), five-domed (No. 160) and seven-domed composition (No. 142, 143, 144, 163, 162, 210). There are also images of a three-domed temple with two corner towers (No. 86, 87, 88, 126, 127, 188, 192, 193, 194, 218, 272, 273, 274, 284, 286) and a five-domed temple with two towers (No. 242), which can also be reduced to a five- and seven-domed composition.

Let us express our thoughts regarding the researchers’ interpretation of the multi-figure composition in the lower right corner of icon No. 286 from Yaroslavl. O. I. Podobedova, and after her T. V. Nikolaeva and N. V. Ryndina see here an image of the Magi bringing gifts to the Infant Christ, or pilgrims approaching the Jordan in the image of a naked male figure109. Such an identification is obviously facilitated by the correlation of the theological images of the Magi and the Myrrh-Bearing Women. This plot seems much simpler to us. Obviously, we are dealing with the image of warriors guarding the Tomb, who also have pointed Phrygian helmets and spear-staffs in their hands, as, for example, on icons No. 141, 142, 143, 242. However, here they are depicted in the left corner icons and are separated from the main composition by an arched frame, which, by the way, is also present on the Yaroslavl icon, but without any connection with the pseudo-magician warriors.

Thus, the architectural features of the Jerusalem churches can be traced quite clearly in the iconography of the stone images of the Holy Sepulcher of the late 14th - 15th centuries, especially in those where the Church of the Resurrection is represented by a complex of 7 chapels of various denominations surrounding the Holy Sepulchre. In general, this group reflects the architectural and topographical realities of Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulcher, seen by Russian pilgrims of that time - Archimandrite Agraphenius, Ignatius of Smolyanin and Hierodeacon Zosima.

In the light of the research carried out, it seems quite likely to us that the original ancient Russian plot of the icons of the Holy Sepulcher is not only evidence and background of ancient Russian pilgrimages to the Holy Land or an abstract image of the Heavenly Jerusalem. It serves as a concrete embodiment of those architectural, topographical, ecclesiastical, archaeological and liturgical realities of the Holy Land that made a deep impression on the Russian pilgrim and were reflected in the monuments of written culture. Together with the evidence of possible connections between Ancient Russia and Palestine discussed in the first part, icons depicting the Holy Sepulcher should form the basis of such a branch of church historical knowledge as the archeology of Russian pilgrimage.
____________
Notes

1 Life of St. Theodosius of Pechersk // Assumption collection of the XII - XIII centuries. M.,
1971. P. 77.
2 Life of St. Theodosius of Pechersk. P. 75.
3 Ibid. P. 79.
4 Shchapov Ya. N. Princely statutes and the Church in Ancient Rus' XI - XIV centuries. M., 1972. P. 119.
5 Romanov B. A. People and customs of Ancient Rus'. M.; L., 1966. S. 154-155.
6 Ibid. pp. 32, 154-156.
7 Epics // Library of Russian folklore. M., 1988. S. 451 -466, 470-482.
8 Sturluson S. Circle of the Earth. M., 1995. P. 11.
9 Ibid. pp. 340-341.
10 Ibid. P. 385.
11 Ibid. pp. 408-409.
12 Ibid. P. 485.
13 Hegumen Daniel’s journey to holy places at the beginning of the 12th century // Travels of Russian people around the Holy Land. St. Petersburg, 1839. P. 86.
14 The Journey of Abbot Daniel... P. 111 - 112.
15 From the context it is not clear which patriarch we are talking about: the Latin patriarch installed by the crusaders in 1099, or the Patriarch of Jerusalem.
16 Sturluson S. Circle of the Earth. pp. 485-486.
17 Ibid. P. 489.
18 Leibgott N. K. Pilgrimages and Crusades // From Viking to Crusader. The Scandinavians and Europe 800-1200. No. 489. C 111. Fig. Z.
19 Sturluson S. Circle of the Earth. P. 511.
20 Ibid. pp. 525-526.
21 Melnikova E. A. Scandinavian runic inscriptions. Texts, translation, commentary. M., 1977. No. 21, 99. P. 66-67, 126.
22 Melnikova E. A. Decree. op. No. 79. P. 106.
23 Monuments of ancient Russian canon law. (Monuments of the XI-XV centuries). Part 1 // RIB. T. 6. St. Petersburg, 1880. Art. 27.
24 This is precisely the reading given in both Helmsman of the Trinity-Sergius Lavra of the 16th century - Nos. 205, 206.
25 Monuments of ancient Russian canon law. P. 27.
26 Mitchell S. Anatolia. Land, men, and gods in Asia Minor. V. II. The rise of Church. Oxford, 1995. From 70.
27 Stopford J. Some approaches to the archeology of Christian pilgrimage / World Archeology 26. Archeology of pilgrimage. 1994; Koster K. Pilgerzeichen und Pilgermuscheln von mittelalterlichen Santiagostraschen. Saint-Leonard. Rocomadour. Saint-Gilles. Saintiago de Compostela. Schleswiger Funde und Gesamtberlieferung. / Ausgrabungen in Schleswig. Berichte und Studien 2. 1983; Haasis- Berner A. St. Jodokus in Konstanz zu einen neugefunden Pilgerzeichen / Archeologische Nachrichten aus Baden. 54/ 1955. From 28-33.
28 The author sincerely thanks A. A. Peskova, a researcher at the St. Petersburg IHMC RAS, both for kindly providing materials and publications on the topic of interest to us, and for the necessary consultations we received in the process of preparing this article.
29 Grabar A. Les ampoules de terra Sainta (Monsa - Bobbio). Paris, 1985; Pokrovsky N. Β. The Gospel in iconographic monuments, mainly Byzantine and Russian. St. Petersburg.. 1982.
30 Zalesskaya V.N. Group of lead ampoules-eulogy from Thessalonica // CA. 1980. No. 3. P. 263-269.
31 Sedova M.V. Pilgrimage complex of the 12th century from the Nerevsky excavation // Novgorod archaeological readings. Novgorod, 1994. pp. 90-94.
32 Musin A.E. Estate and archeology (towards the formulation of the problem) // Novgorod and Novgorod land. History and archaeology. Vol. 2. Novgorod, 1989. pp. 58-62.
33 Kolchin B. A., Khoroshev A. S., Yanin V. L. Estate of a Novgorod artist of the 12th century. M., 1981.
34 Yanin V.L., Zaliznyak A.A. Novgorod letters on birch bark from excavations in 1984 -1989. M., 1993. P. 15.
35 Rusanova I. P., Timoshchuk B. A. Pagan sanctuaries of the ancient Slavs. M., 1993. Fig. 33, 5.
36 Belenkaya D. A. Crosses and icons from burial mounds in the Moscow region // CA. 1976. No. 4.
37 Korzukhina G.F. Russian treasures of the 1st-13th centuries. M.; L., 1954. No. 127. P. 131.
38 Kvinto L. La nacre dans l"art décoratif de Tarnovo au XIV s // La culture et l"art dans les terres Bulgares VI-XIV s. Sofia, 1995. pp. 101 -108.
39 Kvinto L. La nacre dans l "art décoratif de Tarnovo. P. 108.
40 Sreznevsky I.I. Dictionary of the Old Russian language. T. 2, part 1. M., 1989. Art. 3., T. 3. Part 2. Art. 946-947.
41 The Journey of Abbot Daniel... P. 24.
42 Ibid. P. 26.
43 Yanin V.L., Zaliznyak A.A. Novgorod letters on birch bark (from excavations 1984 -1989). M., 1993. P. 52.
44 Service book of St. Varlaam of Khutyn (GIM. No. 33433. L. 11); Gorsky A., Nevostruev K. Description of Slavic manuscripts of the Moscow Synodal Library. Dept. 3. M., 1869. P. 15.
45 Volkov I.V. Import from the Holy Land? (Amphora of the SSS stamp group in the Black Sea region and the cities of Ancient Rus') // Problems of history. Rostov-on-Don, 1994. pp. 3-8.
46 Volkov I.V. Amphoras of Novgorod the Great and some notes on the Byzantine-Russian wine trade // Novgorod and Novgorod land. History and archaeology. Vol. 10. Novgorod, 1996. pp. 95-97.
47 Decorative and applied art of Veliky Novgorod. Artistic metal of the 11th-15th centuries. M., 1996. pp. 95-97.
48 Shlyapkin I.A. Russian cross of the 12th century in the city of Hildesheim // VAI. SP. 1914. Issue. 22.
49 Rybakov B. A. Russian dated inscriptions of the 11th-14th centuries. M., I964. No. 54. pp. 46-47.
50 Nikolaeva T.V. Old Russian small plastic sculpture from stone of the 11th - 15th centuries // SAI. El -60. M. 1983. Nos. 13, 71, 72, 86, 88, 126, 127, 130, 137, 141, 142, 143, 144, 153, 154, 156, 158, 161, 162, 163, 166, 191, 192, 193, 194, 210, 218, 242, 272, 274, 275, 286, 297, 300, 367.
51 Pokrovsky N.V. The Gospel in iconographic monuments, mainly Byzantine and Russian. St. Petersburg, 1892. P. 396.
52 Pokrovsky N.V. Decree. op. P. 396.
53 Ibid.
54 Ibid.
55 Ainalov D.V. Notes to the text of the book “Pilgrim” by Anthony of Novgorod. 4. Boards of the Holy Sepulcher / ZhMNP. 3. St. Petersburg, 1906. Dept. 2, 9. Some data from Russian chronicles about Palestine // Communications of the IOPS. 17. 1906.
56 Ryndina N.V. Features of the composition of iconography in Old Russian small plastic art. “The Holy Sepulcher” // Old Russian art. Artistic culture of Novgorod. M., 1968. S. 233-236.
57 Ryndina N.V. Features of the composition of iconography... P. 225.
58 Ibid. P. 236.
59 Sterligova I. A. Jerusalems as liturgical vessels in Ancient Rus' // Jerusalem in Russian culture. M., 1994. S. 46-62.
60 Ibid. pp. 46, 50.
61 Nikolaeva T.V. Decree. op. P. 20.
62 Ibid. P. 28.
63 Ibid. pp. 26, 29.
64 Ryndina N.V. Old Russian small plastic art. Novgorod and Central Rus' of the XIV-XV centuries. M., I978. S.IZ.
65 Ibid.
66 Ibid. pp. 14-15.
67 Ibid. P. 16.
68 Ibid. P. 64.
69 Ibid. S.IZ.
70 Ibid. P. 112.
71 Ibid.
72 Ibid. S.IZ.
73 Ibid. P. 114.
74 Ibid. P. 120.
75 Ryndina N.V. Old Russian pilgrimage relics. The image of Heavenly Jerusalem in stone icons of the XIII-XV centuries // Jerusalem in Russian culture. M., 1994. pp. 63-77.
76 Ryndina N.V. Old Russian small plastic art... P. 15.
77 Ryndina N.V. Old Russian pilgrimage relics... P. 74 -75.
78 Ibid. pp. 63-64.
79 Ibid. P. 65.
80 Ibid.
81 Ibid. pp. 69-71.
82 Ibid. P. 66.
83 Ibid. P. 74.
84 Ibid. P. 66.
85 Ibid. P. 74.
86 Ryndina N.V. Old Russian small plastic art... P. 14.
87 Ryndina N.V. Old Russian pilgrimage relics... P. 63.
88 Lidov A. M. The image of Heavenly Jerusalem in Eastern Christian iconography // Jerusalem in Russian culture. M., 1994. P. 15-33.
89 Tvorogov O. V. Daniil // Dictionary of scribes and bookishness of Ancient Rus'. Vol. I. L., 1987. P. 109-112.
90 The Journey of Abbot Daniel... P. 29-31.
91 Uspensky N.D. On the history of the rite of the Holy Fire performed on Holy Saturday in Jerusalem. Activity speech delivered at the LDA on October 9, 1949. SPbDA. Typescript.
92 Pilgrims-writers of Peter the Great and post-Petrine times. M., 1874. P. 19.
93 Uspensky N.D. Decree. op. P. 6.
94 Ibid. pp. 8-10, 16.
95 Ibid. pp. 17-18.
96 Ibid. pp. 12-15.
97 The Journey of Abbot Daniel... P. 111.
98 Ibid. P. 113.
99 Ibid. P. 118.
100 Ibid. pp. 120-121.
101 Journey of Hierodeacon Zosima // Travels of Russian people in the Holy Land. St. Petersburg, 1839. P. 47.
102 Uspensky N.D. On the history of the rite of the Holy Fire... P. 28.
103 RIB. T. 6. P. 794.
104 Ryndina N.V. Old Russian pilgrimage relics... P. 66; Nikolaeva T.V. Old Russian small plastic art... P. 80.
105 Uspensky N.D. Decree. op.
106 RSL. F. 247. No. 253. See: Popov G.V. The most ancient Russian facial proskintarium // Jerusalem in Russian culture. M., 1994. pp. 86-99. Rice. 2.
107 Journey of Hierodeacon Zosima. pp. 51-52.
108 Ibid. P. 48.
109 Podobedova O.I. On the question of the poetics of ancient Russian fine art (common comparisons in the monument of fine plastic art of the 13th century) // Starinar. Book 20. Belgrade, 1969. P. 309 -314.; Ryndina N.V. Old Russian pilgrimage relics... P. 63-64; Nikolaeva T.V. Old Russian small plastic art... P. 123

Alexander Musin, deacon
St. Petersburg Theological Academy

Theological works. Issue 35 (1999). pp. 92-110.