Population of Persia in the 19th century. Iran under the rule of the Qajar dynasty. Iran under the Qajar dynasty

Speaking about the modernization of Iran (Persia), it should be borne in mind that this state was geographically more distant from Western countries (it was more “eastern” not only geographically, but also socio-culturally) and, unlike the Ottoman Empire, did not have numerous and bourgeois-enterprising Christian communities (with the exception of the Armenians). Thus, the lack of numerous and well-established contacts with Western Europeans complicated modernization in this country.

Another important factor was the presence of a powerful influence on the government of the Shiite clergy, which had exceptional influence on the local population. On the other hand, Shiite Islam and the clergy did not potentially act as an insurmountable obstacle to reforms in Iran. Shiism as a socially mobilizing factor in the country could play a key role depending on the progress of reforms, the possibility of a compromise between the authorities and the clergy, either towards their approval or categorical rejection. And this factor, as events showed, did not work in favor of the reformers.

At the beginning of the 19th century. The rulers of Iran began to view European cultural influence and borrowings in the military-technical field more favorably. For influence on Iran, intense rivalry developed between the British and French military-political missions, in which the British won. Iran's military defeats and territorial losses in the wars with Russia (1804-1813) and (1826-1828) pushed the country's leadership into the need for reforms. But the key role was played by an internal factor - the religious and social popular Babid uprising in 1848-1850.

In 1844, Sayyid Ali-Mohammed declared himself the Bab, the “door” (or gate) through which the expected twelfth Imam as the Messiah, the Mahdi, was about to descend to earth. Subsequently, he declared himself this imam and proclaimed a new radical social teaching with pronounced egalitarian ideas. Despite the brutal suppression of this uprising, the anti-government banner of the Babis was taken up by Hussein Ali, who called himself Behaullah. He declared himself a supporter of non-violent actions and, having adopted many of Western ideas, spoke out against wars, for tolerance, equality, and the redistribution of property into a kind of supranational global community. Despite the defeat, both Babism and Baha'ism nevertheless prepared the way for the necessary transformations.

Mirza Taghi Khan, better known as Amir Nizam, who was appointed first vizier in 1848 and then first minister, became a convinced reformer and ideologist of Iranian reforms. Having visited the Ottoman Empire and Russia, he managed to convince Shah Nasr ed-Din (1848-1896) of the need for reforms.

First of all, the army was reorganized and the medieval order, which was most restrictive for the development of the state, was eliminated. State manufactories appeared, the Darol-Fonun Higher School (House of Sciences) was founded, where about 200 students studied. Young Iranians were sent abroad to study, and European teachers began to be invited to the country. Amir Nizam tried to limit the influence of the higher clergy on state affairs, which brought upon himself the irreconcilable conservative opposition led by the leader of the Tehran clergy.

The conservative clergy, together with the princes of the Shah's house, were able to convince the Shah of the destructiveness of Amir Nizam's reforms. The latter was removed from all posts at the end of 1851, exiled and soon executed. However, the reform initiative of Amir Nizam did not disappear; it was picked up by Malcolm Khan, who, while in the diplomatic service in France, even joined the Masonic lodge. Returning to his homeland, Malkom Khan created in 1860 an educational and religious organization that resembled the Faramushkhane Masonic Lodge in form, in which there were many high-ranking officials, including the son of the Shah himself. This organization was engaged in propaganda under a religious guise (secular teaching in a religious society would not be accepted at all) of the ideas and values ​​of the French Revolution: freedom of personality and property, freedom of thought and religion, freedom of speech, press, assembly, equality of rights, etc. But the traditionalists and conservative clergy were not asleep; this time they were able to convince the Shah that the activities of this organization were destructive for the Islamic faith itself. As a result, in October 1861, Faramushkhane was dissolved, and Malkom Khan himself, very famous in the West, was sent into honorable exile for diplomatic work.

The next attempt to reform the country was made in 1870 by the Shah's appointee, Prime Minister Hussein Khan. Carte blanche to carry out reforms was issued by the Shah himself, who repeatedly visited Russia and Europe and was personally convinced of the need for reforms. Administrative reform was carried out. Secular schools appeared. But the reforms mainly consisted of the widespread distribution of industrial and natural resources for monopoly development to English and Russian capitalists. The events themselves were very superficial and did not affect the foundations of the existing system. But this time, even such cautious reforms caused sharp opposition from conservatives, primarily the clergy, and in 1880, under their pressure, the Shah fired Hussein Khan.

Reforms within the socio-political system almost ceased, but the government increasingly opened the way to foreign companies. At the end of the 19th century. the country was placed under almost complete control of English and Russian capital. The country was flooded with cheap foreign manufactured goods, competition with which undermined local crafts and hampered the creation of national industry. Actually, there was no national industry; it was replaced by foreign, mainly English industry. As a result, Iran turned into a raw materials appendage of the European powers and a sales market for Western (including Russian) products. The British actually controlled the oil-rich south of the country, Russia consolidated its influence in the north of Iran. Both powers: Russia and Great Britain actively competed with each other in Iran. In fact, the country was turned into a semi-colony of two powers. Over 80% of Persia's total trade turnover was accounted for by these two countries, and bilateral agreements provided for duty-free import or extremely low taxation of goods from these two countries. In general, the colonialism of Great Britain and Russia accelerated the decomposition of traditional relations in Iran, led to the emergence of an educational movement among the Iranian intelligentsia and contributed to the awakening of national consciousness and the gradual formation of bourgeois ideology. The beginning of the collapse of traditional social ties raised the question of the future of the country, aroused interest in the idea of ​​social progress in general and in the search for ways to further develop Iran, which had fallen into semi-colonial dependence. The enlightened Iranian elite increasingly realized that trying to avoid Western innovations was a road to nowhere. The problem was how to combine the dominant traditional Shiite worldview with the inevitable introduction of more secular (European) forms of life, so as not to finally turn into a colony? But this problem was never solved.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the socio-political situation in Iran was very tense. There were broad sections of the population in opposition to the ruling regime: workers, the national bourgeoisie, feudal lords and even part of the clergy. Dissatisfaction with the Shah's regime and the rule of foreigners resulted in the revolution of 1905-1911. The influence of an external factor—the revolution in Russia—immediately affected. In addition, many otkhodnik workers worked in Russia to earn money.

Under pressure from the revolutionary masses, the Shah signed a constitution and opened the Majlis (parliament) in 1906. In 1907, the Majlis legislated fundamental civil rights and freedoms and created secular courts. Local governments, political, religious and professional clubs and organizations began to emerge everywhere. England and Russia, sensing a threat to their interests in Iran, sided with the reaction, providing serious military assistance to the Shah. When these measures did not help, in 1911 Russian troops in the north and British troops in the south entered Iran. In December 1911, a counter-revolutionary coup took place in the country, the Majlis was dissolved, and all power again passed to the Shah. However, the revolutionary turmoil with large episodes of civil war was not in vain; it prepared the ground for the possible modernization of Iranian society.

paragraph 1 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 174

Question. Remember how the geopolitical position of the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century. determined its relations with European countries and how it influenced the traditional way of life of Turkish society.

The governments of England and France would like to bring the empire under their influence. Therefore, they resolutely opposed the plans of Tsarist Russia, which sought to dismember the Ottoman state and seize the Black Sea straits. The Viennese court also hatched its own projects regarding Turkish possessions in the Balkans.

By the beginning of the 19th century, Ottoman-Turkish feudalism had reached its maturity. The pace of further progress of society slowed down. There was a clear trend towards stagnation in economic life. It manifested itself in a reduction in income from agriculture, in the desire of peasants to limit the area under cultivation, and in the growing departure of rural residents to the cities. A decline in economic activity was also noted in the cities, which was facilitated by internal instability in the state, a shortage of agricultural raw materials and limited demand for handicraft products, preferential conditions in which European traders were placed in comparison with local artisans and merchants.

Political chaos in the empire increased due to the military weakness of the Porte. Defeats in the wars with Russia in the second half of the 18th century, constant civil strife in different parts of the state, the success of the Wahhabi movement in Arabia, who advocated a return to the purity of early Islam, indicated that, despite the efforts of the Sultan’s government, the Ottoman army was becoming less and less combat-ready , disorder and indiscipline reigned in it.

paragraph 1 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 178

1. Analyze the socio-economic and political situation of the Ottoman Empire in the first half of the 19th century. and explain why it was rated critical.

2. Which countries in Europe, Asia and Africa were involved in the “Eastern Question”? Why are almost all international contradictions of the 19th century? were connected to the Ottoman Empire?

Local capital was of a commercial and usurious nature, artisans could not compete with European industry, the country's financial system was in disarray, and the apparatus of power was paralyzed by corruption. Many sultans attempted reforms aimed at strengthening the army. An uprising began in the country, aggravated by external difficulties (war with France, England, Russia).

The weakening empire could no longer resist the forces that were destroying it. France began to subjugate Algeria, which became a source of cheap agricultural products and a market for French goods. Competition began between the great powers for influence in Egypt. France hoped to subjugate it, but Russia and England supported Turkey and did not allow France into Egypt.

All international contradictions were associated with the Ottoman Empire, since Turkey was the largest state in the Islamic world. The Sultan was considered the ruler of Muslims; his supreme power was recognized by most of the Muslim states of North Africa - Algeria, Tunisia, Tripoli, Egypt.

paragraph 2 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 179

Question. Describe the tanzimat policy.

Tanzimat - modernization reforms in the Ottoman Empire. Unlike previous reforms, the main place in the Tanzimat was not military, but socio-economic transformations.

The reform policy of the Turkish Sultan was defeated as the Ottoman Empire was defeated in another war with Russia and the Sultan returned to an oppressive form of government. The reforms were stopped. The country's situation continues to deteriorate, the Sultan declares state bankruptcy and transfers control of the country's finances to England, France, Italy, Germany, and Austria-Hungary.

The difficult economic situation gradually turned Turkey into a semi-colony of foreign countries. The great states of Europe began to select certain colonies of the empire.

paragraph 4 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 181

Question 1. What are the goals at the beginning of the 20th century? could unite broad sections of Turkish society into a single organization?

At the beginning of the 20th century, most of the enterprises, ports, and ships belonged to foreigners. The despotic regime, the groveling of the Sultan before foreigners, brought against him disparate forces - from the clergy to the officers.

Question 2. What reforms were continued in Turkey after the Young Turk revolution? Why do historians consider the results of this revolution limited?

The results of the reign of the Young Turks boiled down to the intensification of railway construction and rearmament of the army. Its results were limited: the main slogan was the idea of ​​uniting all Muslim peoples of Asia. In reality, the Ottoman Empire had neither the economic nor the military power to solve such a problem.

paragraph 5 questions and tasks to paragraph paragraph page 183

Question 1. Remember why already at the beginning of the 19th century. Persia turned out to be a semi-colony.

By the beginning of the 19th century, Persia was a very weak state, with all the signs of a low level of development. At the beginning of the 19th century, Persia had already become an arena of struggle between Russia, England and France.

Question 2. Under these conditions, what social movements matured in the country over the course of a century?

A struggle for a boycott of foreign goods began in the country, and peasant uprisings continued.

Question 3. Why did the Iranian revolution of 1905-1911 failed?

The bourgeois-democratic revolution in Iran coincided with the national liberation movement. It was caused by the dominance of foreigners in the financial and economic sphere of the country with the connivance of the reactionary ruling elite. The national bourgeoisie, small artisans, liberal landowners and peasants participated equally in the revolution. During the revolution, the Mejlis (parliament) was created and a constitution was adopted. As a result, the country is divided into spheres of influence between Russia and England.

Questions and assignments for paragraph page 183

Question 1. Prepare a short report on one of the topics: “Reform Sultans of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century,” “Division of the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century,” “The Ottoman Empire in the politics of the European powers of the 19th century,” “National -liberation movement in the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries.”

The reign of Selim III was marked by the confrontation between old and new in the social and political life of the country. Selim III paid main attention to military reforms. First of all, he tried to strengthen and streamline the traditional units of the Turkish army - the feudal cavalry and the Janissary army. In 1792, he issued a decree according to which the “timars” of those who did not fulfill their military duties to the state were confiscated to the state treasury. Another element of the empire’s military system was the Janissary corps, which by the time of Selim III was the cause of the country’s military weakness, the support of the feudal opposition and, more than once, an instrument for organizing courtyard intrigues and coups.

Attempts by Selim's predecessors to reorganize the Janissary corps and strengthen its former power did not bring success. Selim III supported those dignitaries who proposed creating a new, European-style army. Since it was obvious that it would be impossible to immediately replace the old military organization, reformers paid some attention to improving the position of the traditional formations. For example, in the Janissary corps classes were scheduled several times a week in various types of military affairs. The new corps (Nizam-i-Jadid) was formed rather slowly, but new methods of training, new weapons and discipline produced results.

In the period 1792-1796. Decrees on a number of other reforms were published. Selim III carried out measures to strengthen the combat effectiveness and technical equipment of artillery. The army was provided with guns and instructors were invited. In a fairly short period of time, the Sultan managed to create a significant fleet. Educational institutions opened. An artillery department was organized at the Naval Engineering School. A military engineering school was also opened.

The desire to improve the training of military specialists led to the translation into Turkish of a number of European works on military affairs, mathematics and other sciences.

These books had to be printed, as a result, the first printing house resumed its work in 1792, and in 1795 another one was opened. Of course, the reforms of Selim III were his military goal, because he wanted to restore the former power of the empire. However, the ruling circles are beginning to understand that all the problems of the state cannot be solved by military reforms.

Among Selim's other measures to improve the situation in the state were the following. He tried to encourage the local textile industry (fabric production) and transferred all issues of food supply to the capital into the hands of the state. However, he could not resist introducing new taxes, since the reforms he carried out required more and more government funds. And this led to discontent among the peasant population, which was supported by the clergy and separatist feudal lords.

Selim III made attempts to strengthen the authority of the central government; for this purpose, a decree was issued defining the procedure for organizing the provinces. The law emphasized that provincial governors were appointed by the central government and were subordinate to the sultan and grand vizier.

The reforms failed to produce real results. Among the events that complicated the implementation and implementation of reforms, as well as aggravated the situation of the empire itself, was the Franco-Turkish War of 1798. After this war, Turkey's foreign policy position remained stable for some time, but a national liberation movement began in the Balkan provinces of the empire. Problems in the country caused a new wave of reformism among the government.

Question 2. Compare the situation of Turkey and Iran at the beginning of the 20th century.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the formerly large Ottoman Empire finally lost its former influence on the course of world history, turning into a semi-colony of the West. European states declared the Ottoman Empire the “sick man of Europe” and arrogated to themselves the right to decide his fate. There was an actual division of Ottoman territories. Bosnia and Herzegovina was under Austro-Hungarian occupation, the French ruled in Tunisia, and England captured Egypt. Formally, these territories remained part of the Ottoman Empire, but in fact they came under the complete control of foreign states. Using all possible means, foreign capital has taken key positions in all areas of the Turkish economy. This hampered the development of national industry, where the manufacturing method of production reigned.

By the beginning of the twentieth century, Iran remained a backward country, a semi-colony of England and Russia. The highest power in the country belonged to the Shah, who came from the Qajar dynasty (ruled since the end of the 18th century). In the Iranian village, where more than half the population lived, feudal relations and landlord tyranny prevailed. Large national industry did not develop through foreign competition. Craftsmen, whose products could not withstand the competition of cheap foreign factory-produced goods, were in a difficult situation.

The deep economic and political crisis that Iran was experiencing, the dominance of foreigners, the rotten state system, the unbearable living conditions of the common people - all this contributed to the rise of the popular movement at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Question. What policy did the French authorities pursue towards the local population during the colonization of Algeria?

The French authorities pursued a policy of colonial expansion.

In the middle of the 19th century. Iran's economic situation was difficult. The development of industry, crafts and trade suffered from tax oppression, feudal civil strife, robberies of feudal lords, lack of guarantees of inviolability of person and property, internal customs, poor condition of roads and arbitrariness of feudal lords. 80% of the population lived in rural areas. A third of all land in the country belonged to the state represented by the Shah. The second most important land owner was the clergy. Then came representatives of the aristocracy, tribal khans, and officials. Peasants paid food rent to the owners for the use of the land. Its size varied depending on the region from a third to two-thirds of the harvest, but in many cases it was about half the harvest. Violence against peasants and extortions from them were commonplace at that time. Certain guarantees for peasant property were provided by the norms of Islamic law - Sharia, mandatory for Muslim society. A third of Iran's population lived in nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes. The trade in black slaves remained important.

The collection of taxes was entrusted to tax farmers, who paid the entire amount of taxes from a given area and collected from the population the money spent plus a significant amount in excess of expenses. Government jobs were openly for sale. Giving bribes was considered quite natural among various social strata of the population. The clergy played a large role in the political life of Iran - the ulema could reject one or another of the Shah's decree (firman) if it did not comply with Sharia. The Shah's government, in order to receive the support of the clergy, paid him a salary, gave him land holdings, and financed the construction of mosques.

The central government could not control the remote provinces of the state, which contributed to the strengthening of local feudal lords and governors, who did not take too much into account with the central government and ruled the territories entrusted to them as independent rulers. The Shah's government in some cases pitted the strengthened feudal lords against each other to ensure the security of the state. The British ambassador, Colonel Farrant, noted that residents of such large provinces as Isfahan, Fars and a number of others “more and more do not recognize the power of the Shah, and their robberies and robberies are becoming too frequent.” England supported the tribes of southern Iran in armed uprisings against the government, supplying them both financially and with weapons. Even under the trade agreement of 1801, low customs duties were established on English goods. In 1841, Britain obtained from the government of Iran the signing of a new Anglo-Iranian treaty, which provided Great Britain with a number of privileges: British citizens were exempt from paying internal customs duties, the duty on foreign trade transactions was set at 5% of the value of goods, British trading agencies were founded in Tehran and Tabriz. Citizens of the United Kingdom received the right of extraterritoriality - non-jurisdiction to local authorities and laws. As a result, the import of English industrial products into the country, cheap and high quality, increased noticeably. British cotton fabrics were especially popular. In 1845, France and Austria received similar privileges.

Large Iranian merchants, giving bribes and making various offerings to the authorities, enjoyed certain privileges. Unions of merchants and trade guilds protected their members to a certain extent from the arbitrariness of the authorities. But no one had a complete guarantee of the safety of property. The ruler of the region could not take into account the opinion of the merchants. Thus, in 1848, the government confiscated the capital of one of the khans because he did not support the heir to the throne in the struggle for power. Some merchants became Russian or English citizens in order to prevent the confiscation of capital and property by officials at various levels. In 1848, the wealthy merchant David Melikov was robbed by local authorities near the city of Isfahan.

In terms of its form of government, Iran continued to be an unlimited monarchy headed by the Shah in the 19th century. The Shah controlled not only the property, but also the lives of his subjects. He could issue any law, coordinating it in many cases only with the highest clergy. Great power was concentrated in the heir to the throne. The government of the Shah was led by Sadr-Azam. The Minister of Finance, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of War were subordinate to him. The crown princes led Azerbaijan according to tradition, gaining the necessary management experience. The first attempts at reforms were made after the defeat of Iran in the Russian-Persian War of 1804-1813. gave a modest result - the new regular Iranian army, created taking into account European experience, won the war with Turkey, but lost the war with Russia in 1826-1828. The lack of a sufficient number of trained officers and the abuse of existing official positions and corruption, permeating the army from top to bottom, had an impact. The soldiers often went hungry and plundered the local population. Many of the servicemen did not even know how to load a gun. In the Russian-Iranian war, during the battle of Elizavetpol, the Russian army of 8 thousand people defeated the 35 thousand Iranian army. According to the Turkmanchay Peace, Iran transferred the Nakhichevan and Yerevan khanates (territory of Armenia) to Russia and undertook to pay an indemnity of 20 million rubles in silver. The Shah's treasury was constantly faced with a shortage of funds. The treasury's debt to officials and the army caused discontent, which often resulted in unrest among the troops. By the time of the Babid uprising in 1848, the decomposition of the regular army had reached extreme limits - its number had decreased from 30 thousand on the eve of the war of 1826-1828. up to 10 thousand. The task of reforming it fell on the shoulders of the new Prime Minister of Iran, Taghi Khan, who transferred the formation of the entire army to a recruiting basis.

The Babid uprising and unsuccessful wars led some representatives of the ruling circles of Iranian society to the need for economic, political and military reforms. Tagi Khan was not an aristocrat from birth. His father was first a cook, and then a manager at the court of the heir to the throne, and then at the head of the country's government. Mirza Tagi Khan was brought up in the family of a courtier and became his secretary. Taghi Khan visited St. Petersburg in 1829 as part of the Iranian diplomatic mission. A visit to a country much more developed in all respects showed Tagi Khan the need for reforms in his own. Tagi Khan was able to visit Turkey as the head of the Iranian delegation to develop the terms of a peace treaty between the two states, where he saw the progress of reforms of the Tanzimat era. Mirza became in 1834 deputy commander of the troops of the heir to the throne, which, naturally, contributed to his advancement to power. On the day of his coronation in 1848, the new Shah appointed his tutor as head of the government, and then married his own sister to him. Tagi Khan carried out a military reform that introduced conscription to the population. The service life of a certain number of recruits supplied by each village and city was 20 years. As a result of the reform, the army's combat effectiveness has increased slightly. According to the territorial reform, Iran was divided into 12 provinces - vilayets, the provinces in turn were divided into counties, which in turn were divided into districts. The lowest administrative unit was the village. Freedom of religion was proclaimed. It should be noted that adherents of non-Muslim religions were a minority in Iran - only 1% of the total population.

On the initiative of Sadr-Azam, the first newspaper in Persian was published in 1851. The first non-religious school, the House of Sciences, was opened for the children of the nobility. Tagi Khan organized a number of state-owned manufactories and weapons factories, built covered bazaars and caravanserais in Tehran, and eliminated internal customs. To protect local producers, the import of certain categories of foreign goods was prohibited. People were sent abroad to study the process of making machines. The First Minister decisively fought against bribery of officials and reduced their number. The reformer prohibited torture of accused persons during the investigation of crimes. Tagi Khan's transformations caused discontent among part of the ruling elite, led by the mother of Nasser ad-din Shah Mahdiye Uliya and the Friday Imam of Tehran Abd al-Qasim. They accused the head of government of bowing to the West. Opponents of the reforms were able to dismiss Tagi Khan and exile him, then the reformer was executed in January 1852 - his veins were cut.

Second half of the 19th century. became a period of active colonial expansion in Iran by European countries, primarily England and Russia. At the same time, the Qajar ruling group was more willing to satisfy the demands of foreign powers than the demands of its own people. As the main means of strengthening the enslavement of Iran, foreign capital used the receipt of various types of concessions from the Shah's government, as well as the provision of cash loans to Tehran.

During the Crimean War, taking advantage of the fact that the British were busy besieging Sevastopol, Nasr ed-Din Shah decided to launch a campaign against Herat in order to prevent its capture by the Afghan emir Dost Mohammed. In October 1856, after a five-month siege, Herat was captured. In response, England declared war and occupied part of Iranian territory, including the island of Kharg, the cities of Bushehr, Mohammera (now Khorramshahr) and Ahwaz. According to the Treaty of Paris, signed in March 1857, the Shah recognized the independence of Herat, and in the event of disagreements between Iran, on the one hand, Herat and Afghanistan, on the other, he pledged to seek the mediation of London.

In 1862-1872. England obtained from the Shah's government the conclusion of three conventions, according to which it acquired the right to build land-based telegraph lines in Iran to ensure uninterrupted communication between London and India. These lines were a means of expanding British influence in Iran. The serving staff, consisting of Englishmen, enjoyed the right of extraterritoriality. The telegraph lines themselves, as well as mosques and foreign embassies, were subject to the privilege of best (a place of refuge inviolable for the authorities).

In 1872, the Shah granted the owner of the English telegraph agency, Baron Yu. Reiter, a concession for the monopoly exploitation of all industrial resources of Iran for a period of 70 years: the development of natural resources, the construction of irrigation structures, the construction of roads, etc. However, this kind of concession caused a wide wave of protests (Russian diplomacy also opposed it), and soon Nasr ed-Din Shah had to cancel it. As compensation, the Iranian government allowed Reuter to organize the Imperial (Shahinshah) Bank of Persia in 1889, which received the right to issue banknotes, control the mint, accept government revenues and customs duties into its current account, and began to set the exchange rate for foreign currencies.

In 1888, the English citizen Lynch acquired a concession to organize navigation along the only navigable Karun River in Iran. In 1891, the British company Talbot took over the purchase, sale and processing of all Iranian tobacco, against which powerful protests began throughout the country, and the highest clergy even issued a special fatwa banning smoking. As a result, in 1892 the Shah was forced to cancel this concession. To pay off the penalty for the Talbot company, the Shahinshah Bank issued a loan of 500 thousand pounds to Nasr ed-Din Shah. Art. secured by southern Iranian customs, which became the first major foreign loan.

If the influence of England was predominant in the south of Iran, then in the north it belonged to Russia. In 1879, Russian citizen Lianozov received permission to exploit the fisheries of the Caspian Sea, including the Iranian rivers flowing into it. In 1889, the Shah's government issued a license to the Russian capitalist Polyakov to organize the Discount and Loan Bank of Persia, which subsequently opened branches and agencies in Tabriz, Rasht, Mashhad, Qazvin and other cities of the country. It received duties from Iran's northern customs. There was intense competition between the Shahinshahi and Accounting and Loan Banks. In 1890, Polyakov was allowed to establish the Persian Insurance and Transport Society, which built and took control of highways connecting the cities of Northern and Central Iran with the Russian border, as well as water communications along the southern coast of the Caspian Sea.

As for railways, under pressure from England and Tsarist Russia in 1890, the Iranian government undertook to refrain from building them.

Constantly in need of money, the ruling group of the state granted concessions, sometimes quite unexpected ones, to other European countries for relatively small sums. In particular, the Belgians were given permission to set up gambling houses, produce and sell wines, the French were given permission to conduct archaeological excavations indefinitely and export half of the discovered ancient relics from Iran.

Since the 1870s, imports of foreign factory goods into Iran sharply increased, the competition of which undermined local crafts and hampered the creation of national industry. At the same time, the export of agricultural products and raw materials from the country, dictated by the requirements of the foreign market, increased. The country began to expand the area under cotton, tobacco and other industrial crops. Iran was turning into a raw materials appendage of the European powers.

Not only the economy, but also some areas of government came under the control of foreigners. Created in 1879 under the leadership of Russian officers, the Cossack regiment, later deployed into a brigade, became the only combat-ready part of the Iranian army, which increased the dependence of the Shah’s regime on tsarist Russia. Along with the Russians, Austrian, German, Italian and French military instructors appeared in Iran. Foreigners began to infiltrate the central administrative apparatus - in the Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs the decisive voice belonged to the British, and in 1898 the Belgian Naus was appointed head of the customs business. In the northern regions and in the capital, persons pleasing to the Russian ambassador were appointed to responsible positions. The southern regions were ruled by the British, who, regardless of the opinion of the Shah's government, entered into agreements with local khans, subsidized them and supplied them with weapons.

The strengthening of the position of foreign capital also entailed changes in the class structure of society. As a result of the increasing dependence of agriculture on the demands of the external market, representatives of the merchants, officials and clergy began to seize the plots of small landowners and buy up the lands of the feudal aristocracy and the Shah's family, thereby forming a layer of landowners of a new type. The development of commodity-money relations and the increasing share of taxes levied in money led to usurious enslavement of the peasants. Often the same landowners acted as moneylenders.

In the second half of the 19th century. attempts to transition in cities from handicraft and manufacturing production to factory production, the organization of national joint-stock companies and societies where hired labor would be used, due to the lack of appropriate entrepreneurial experience, properly trained technical personnel, as well as a shortage of capital, as a rule, ended failure. Craftsmen and hired workers who were losing their jobs and livelihoods, together with the impoverished peasants, replenished the army of the hungry and tens of thousands went to work in Russia - in Transcaucasia and the Transcaspian region.

Committed in 1873, 1878 and 1889. trips to Russia and Europe, Nasr ed-Din Shah introduced certain innovations into the sphere of public administration: he established the ministries of internal affairs, post and telegraph, education, justice, founded a number of secular schools for the sons of the feudal nobility, and carried out some Europeanization of the clothes of the courtiers. However, these measures were superficial and did not affect the foundations of the existing system. The attempt to limit the judicial power of the clergy brought many authoritative and influential Shiite theologians against the Shah.

In 1893-1894. Mass “hunger riots” took place in Isfahan, Mashhad, Shiraz and other cities. The assassination of Nasr ed-Din Shah by pan-Islamist Reza Kermani on May 1, 1896, in the wake of growing popular discontent, and the rise to power of his son Mozaffar ed-Din Shah did not change the situation. Having dismissed several ministers and governors, the new Shah and his entourage continued to adhere to the reactionary course of their father. Under him, the influence of foreigners in Iran became even stronger, popular discontent continued to grow, and unrest multiplied and became increasingly widespread.

Historians of the Soviet school distinguished three periods of revolution:

the first period - from December 1905 to January 1907 (before the adoption of the constitution);

the second period - from January 1907 to November 1911 (disengagement of forces, political leapfrog, attempts at counter-revolutionary coups);

third period - from November to December 1911 (armed intervention of England and Russia in the internal affairs of Iran, suppression of the revolution).

1. It is no coincidence that the first period of the revolution was called constitutional, because at that time the main thing was the struggle for the adoption of a constitution and the convening of parliament. The immediate cause of the revolution was the events in Tehran at the end of 1905. They were preceded by a long internal crisis that covered all aspects of the life of Iranian society. Until the beginning of the 20th century. The government, at the cost of some concessions and political maneuvers, managed to smooth out these contradictions. But by the beginning of the 20th century, the fluids of revolution reached Shiite Iran. In December 1905, anti-government protests began in Tehran under the slogan of the resignation of the country's Prime Minister Ain od Doule. According to Russian historians and diplomats of the early 20th century, Doule was a real scoundrel who took bribes everywhere and from everyone. It was only “thanks to” the first minister that the revolution in Iran began in 1905, and not 10-100 years later.

In addition to Doule's resignation, the opposition demanded the expulsion of foreigners from the administrative apparatus, the introduction of a constitution and the convening of parliament (Majlis). The immediate cause of the escalation of the conflict was the events in the capital Tehran. By order of the governor, 17 merchants were captured and beaten, among whom were seids (descendants of the Prophet). They did not comply with government orders to reduce sugar prices. As a sign of protest, in December 1905, all bazaars, shops, and workshops were closed. Part of the clergy and merchants sat in best in the suburbs of the capital. Thus began the revolution of 1905-1911. In modern historiography, the events of 1905-1911 are often discussed. is called the constitutional movement, and this is justified, since in the initial period all opposition groups acted as a united front, demanding the adoption of a constitution and the convening of parliament.

The main events took place in Tehran, Isfahan, and Tabriz. In the summer of 1906, the reform movement entered its final stage. The July strike forced the Shah to dismiss the first minister, Doule, and soon the government issued a decree introducing a constitution. In the fall of 1906, the regulations on elections to the Majlis were published. The elections were two-stage, held according to the curial system, with a high property qualification. Representatives of six “estates” sat in the first parliament: princes and Qajars, clergy, landed aristocracy, merchants, “landowners and farmers”, artisans.

It is not difficult to calculate that 38% (the first and fourth lines of the second column) were representatives of the clergy and landowners. Slightly less - 37% (second line, second column) of the Majlis are representatives of the middle and small merchants. However, together with artisans and small entrepreneurs there were 46% of them, that is, an absolute majority in parliament.

Parliament immediately began to work on finalizing the constitution. In December, Shah Mozaffar ad-Din approved the draft constitution and died 8 days later. In January 1907, his son, an ardent reactionary and opponent of state liberalization, Mohammad Ali Shah, ascended the throne. Constitution of 1906-1907 struck Western observers with its liberal spirit. Perhaps this was due to the “strange alliance” that took shape at the first stage of the revolution. This union included representatives of the spiritual and secular intelligentsia. They united to solve two important problems: limiting the power of the Shah and opposing Anglo-Russian penetration into Iran. It is noteworthy that the revolutionary elite relied on the traditional monarchism of the people (the Shah is good, but the advisers are bad). Already in 1907, this strange alliance fell apart, the clergy came to an agreement with Mohammad Ali Shah.

At the second stage of the revolution in 1907, Mohammad Ali Shah, under pressure from the Majlis, signed the “Additions to the Basic Law,” that is, the development of the constitution was completed. The “Additions” significantly expanded the powers of the clergy. A special “commission of five” was created, which included the most prominent Shiite leaders. At the same time, the “Additions” did not cancel the liberal ideas of the “Basic Law”. Democratic freedoms were proclaimed in the country, the creation of provincial and regional enjomen was authorized, the inviolability of personality, private property, home, freedom of speech, press, etc. were declared. True, all freedoms were to be controlled by the “commission of five”. Religious leaders, members of the “commission of five,” were given the right to decide whether a particular law complied with the spirit of Islam or not176.

Thus, the model of constitutional monarchy was accepted by the ulema only if it preserved, or better yet strengthened, the power of the clergy.

During the second period of the revolution, a disengagement of forces occurred, and the struggle of various political groups for power began. Each group declared itself a champion of freedom and democracy and sought to speak on behalf of the entire people. Democracy and freedom are politically biased words.

Probably, freedom as permissiveness and “refined” freedom of the intelligentsia are possible in any country. The Shiite clergy and the “Europeanized” liberals had different understandings of the tasks of the revolution, but the adoption of the constitution briefly reconciled them.

Revolutionary events in Iran are interpreted by foreign powers as signs of weakening central power. England and Russia, taking advantage of the political situation, signed an agreement on August 31, 1907 on the division of spheres of influence in Iran, Afghanistan and Tibet. This agreement completed the formation of the military-political alliance of the Entente. According to the agreements, the southeastern regions of Iran became the sphere of influence of England, and the northern regions of the country, including Iranian Azerbaijan, became the sphere of influence of Russia. The Mejlis refused to ratify the Anglo-Russian agreement of 1907. The situation in the country became increasingly tense. In December 1907, the Shah brought troops loyal to him to the capital. In June 1908, with the help of the Cossack brigade of Colonel Lyakhov, Mohammad Ali Shah carried out the first counter-revolutionary coup. The Mejlis was dispersed, democratic newspapers were closed, political repressions began, etc. Left-wing deputies of the Majlis and some leaders of the Enjomen were thrown into prison or executed.

Under these conditions, the center of the movement moved to Iranian Azerbaijan, to the city of Tabriz. The high point of the revolution was the Tabriz uprising of 1908-1909, sometimes called the “civil war.” The uprising was led by Sattar Khan and Bagir Khan. But the prefix khan is an honorary title, because Sattar Khan came from a peasant background, Bagir Khan was a craftsman before the revolution. The activities of Sattar Khan were covered in legend. In the eyes of his compatriots, he was a “commander, leader of the people,” a true Luti. Luti, in the minds of ordinary Iranians, is, first of all, a strongman, a hero who commands respect with his physical strength. In cities, lutis “held neighborhoods” and were reliable protection for the lives and property of their inhabitants. In colloquial language, Luti means “a generous and noble person”177. Sattar Khan and Bagir Khan organized feday detachments and fought for the restoration of the constitution and parliament.

Transcaucasian Bolsheviks led by S. Ordzhonikidze and not only them took part in the Tabriz uprising. In addition to the Bolsheviks, Armenian Dashnaks, Georgian Mensheviks and others fought on the side of the Iranian revolution. According to G.V. Shitov, Sattar Khan’s life guard consisted of “250 Dagestan thugs, without any party affiliation”178. In 1909, the Shah's troops, with the help of the khans of the nomadic tribes, managed to besiege Tabriz. The blockade ring was shrinking, there was no fresh water or food in the city. However, the rebels did not give up. Russia decides to help the Shah and begins military operations against Tabriz. The inconsistency of the punitive forces had the opposite consequences for the rebellious city. Russian troops defeated Tabriz, but also broke the blockade ring. Hungry, exhausted, but alive, the rebels left Tabriz for Rasht, and from there, together with the Gilan and Bakhtiyar fedai, to the capital of Iran, Tehran. S. Ordzhonikidze took part in this campaign. The city was taken on July 13, 1909. The Shah was forced to sit down in the Russian diplomatic mission. However, this did not help him retain the throne. Mohammad Ali Shah was deposed. In August, the Shah with the remains of the Shah's treasury arrived in the city of Odessa, where he was greeted with appropriate honors. His place was taken by his young son Ahmed. The Mejlis was restored, liberals came to power. In 1909, on the basis of Mujahideen organizations, the Democratic Party was created, which stood on the principles of bourgeois nationalism.

The head of the government was Sepahdar from Gilan. The elections to the second Majlis were even less democratic, with only 4% of the Iranian population participating. In November 1909, the second Majlis set a course for “suppressing popular riots.” In 1910, government troops defeated the Feday troops. The Mejlis supported the government in its assessment of the economic situation in the country. In order to overcome the financial crisis, it was decided to invite American advisers to Iran. In May 1911, a financial mission led by Morgan Shuster arrived in Iran; he was associated with the Standard Oil oil company. Russia and England did not want to strengthen American influence in Iran. With the help of Russia, the Shah makes a second attempt to regain power. Taking advantage of the political leapfrog, in July 1911, Mohammad Ali Shah from Russia across the Caspian Sea began a campaign against Tehran. The news of the appearance of the former Shah caused a new explosion of popular indignation, rallies and demonstrations began. In the fall, the Shah's troops were defeated by government troops with the support of the fedai. The Shah fled the country again.

At the third stage of the revolution, open Anglo-Russian intervention in Iran began. The reason for sending Russian troops was a conflict related to Shuster’s confiscation of the property of one of the brothers of the deposed Shah. The property was pledged to the Russian Accounting and Loan Bank. In November 1911, Russia, with the support of England, presented Iran with an ultimatum demanding Shuster resign. It should be noted that the economic activities of the American adviser began to produce the first positive results. The ultimatum caused indignation and protest of all Iranian patriots. A boycott of foreign goods began, and the Tehran bazaar went on strike. The Majlis decided to reject the ultimatum.

The rejection of the ultimatum served as the reason for the military demarche of the occupying allies. The revolution was suppressed. The Majlis ceased to exist. Formally, the country retained its constitution, but its implementation was suspended.

The suppression of the revolution strengthened the position of England and Russia in Iran. In February 1912, the Iranian government, in which not a trace of liberals remained, recognized the Anglo-Russian agreement of 1907 on the division of Iran into spheres of influence. Russian and British troops remained on the territory of the country. The most powerful weapon of colonial policy in Iran was the activities of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company.

Revolution 1905-1911 became an important milestone in the political history of Iran. Its rapid development and scale of events were unpredictable. The Iranian revolution led to the adoption of a fairly democratic constitution. But its “Western version” was “softened” by the fact that Muslim theologians, with their strict orientation towards Sharia law, acted as guarantors of the constitution. Although the movement swept the entire country, after 1907 there was a division of forces, and some liberals left the camp of the revolution. The popular movement also did not have clear goals. The theory of exporting revolution in this region has clearly failed.

The revolution led to a decline in the prestige of the central government, and separatist sentiments noticeably strengthened in the country. The separatism of the khans of the nomadic tribes posed a serious danger. During the revolution, some of the khans supported the Shah. The Bakhtiars and Kurds united with the constitutional forces. But these alliances were not strong: tribal leaders often changed their political orientation and thought only about plundering other people's territories. Foreign intervention contributed to the suppression of the revolutionary movement. Since in 1911-1913. The troops of Russia and England were not evacuated from the country; military operations took place on the territory of neutral Iran during the First World War between the armies of the Entente and Triple Alliance countries.

At the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. Various movements appeared in Iran directed against the Shah's rule. Religious sections of the population preached the ideas of pan-Islamism and the unification of Muslims under the rule of a strong caliph. At the same time, various secret organizations began to be created. In 1905, the anti-government society “Enjumene Mahfi” (“Secret Enju-Man”) was formed.

At the beginning of the 20th century. The social situation inside Iran has sharply deteriorated. Strikes and popular uprisings against imperialist oppression became more frequent. In December 1905, a mass demonstration and sit-in took place in Tehran in the mosque of Shah Abdul Azim - best (“sit on best” - visiting mosques, mazars, graves to conduct sit-ins; this type of resistance has been preserved in Iran since ancient times) . The protesters demanded the departure of foreign citizens from government service and the construction of a “fair state” that would address people’s problems and needs. Frightened by popular pressure, the Shah agreed to satisfy the demands of the protesters. After the dissolution of the rebels, the Shah broke his promise and began brutal reprisals. In response to this, a new wave of protests began in June-July 1906. The rebels again demanded that the Shah expel foreigners from government and adopt a new constitution. On October 7, 1906, the first Majlis (lower house of parliament) was convened in Tehran. This was the first victory of the revolution. However, some time after the coronation, the new Shah of Iran, Mohammed Ali, carried out reprisals against the revolutionaries. In 1907, the second stage of the revolution began. Democratic groups continued to fight.

In 1908--1909 The city of Tabriz became a major center of the revolution. Unable to cope with the rebels, the Shah asked for help from foreigners. With the help of the English and Russian armies, the uprising in Tabriz was suppressed.

Revolutionary unrest in Iran continued until 1911. As a result of the uprising, the power of the Shah weakened and his authority fell. The Shah's government admitted its insolvency and dependence on foreign military assistance. With the help of troops of foreign powers, the revolution in Iran 1905-1911. was brutally suppressed.

The defeat of the revolution paved the way for Iran to become a semi-colony of foreign powers. The Shah's government was forced to accept any conditions set by foreigners. In 1911-1914. Iran received a loan from England in the amount of 2 million pounds sterling, from Russia - 14 million rubles. The British received the right to develop oil deposits in Iran. iran revolution telegraph semi-colonial

So, at the beginning of the twentieth century. Iran was a backward semi-colonial country.

1. Droughts, crop failures, economic crisis, arbitrariness of officials and the hardships of the war with the Manchus (1618-1644) forced the peasants to take up arms. In 1628, in the province of Shaanxi, scattered semi-robber bands began to create rebel detachments and elect leaders. From that moment on, a peasant war began in northeastern China, which lasted almost 19 years (1628-1647). Initially, the rebel troops were united, but after the capture of Fengyang, a split occurred between the rebel leaders Gao Yingxiang and Zhang Xianzhong (1606-1647), after which the latter led his army to the Yangtze Valley. Gao Yingxiang and other leaders led their troops west to Shaanxi, where they were defeated after the final break with the army of Zhang Xianzhong. After the execution of Gao Yingxiang, Li Zicheng was elected leader of the “Chuan troops”.

Meanwhile, Zhang Xianzhong’s bandit-rebel armies dominated Huguang (present-day Hunan and Hubei) and Sichuan, and he himself proclaimed himself “King of the Great West” (Dasi-Wang) in 1643 in Chengdu.

In the 1640s, the peasants were no longer intimidated by a weakened army that suffered defeat after defeat. The regular troops were caught in a pincer movement between the Manchu troops in the north and the rebel provinces, and unrest and desertion increased. The army, deprived of money and food, was defeated by Li Zicheng, who by this time had appropriated the title “Prince of Shun”. The capital was left practically without a fight (the siege lasted only two days). The traitors opened the gates for Lee's troops, and they were able to enter without hindrance. In April 1644, Beijing submitted to the rebels; The last Ming emperor, Chongzhen (Zhu Yujian), committed suicide by hanging himself from a tree in the imperial garden at the foot of Mount Jingshan. The last eunuch loyal to him also hanged himself next to the emperor. For their part, the Manchus took advantage of the fact that General Wu Sangui (1612-1678) allowed them to pass through the Shanghai outposts without hindrance. According to Chinese chronicles, the military leader was going to compromise with Li Zicheng, but the news received from his father that the new ruler was looking for his favorite concubine in Sangui's house forced the commander to change his decision - after weighing all the pros and cons , he decided to take the side of the conquerors. The Manchu army under the leadership of Prince Dorgon (1612-1650), uniting with the troops of Wu Sangui, defeated the rebels at Shanhaiguan and then approached the capital. On June 4, Prince Shun, leaving the capital, retreated in confusion. On June 6, the Manchus, together with General Wu, occupied the city and proclaimed the young Aisinghioro Fulin emperor. The rebel army suffered another defeat from the Manchu army at Xian and was forced to retreat along the Han River all the way to Wuhan, then along the northern border of Jiangxi province. Here Li Zicheng died in the summer of 1645, becoming the first and only emperor of the Shun Dynasty. Sources differ in their assessment of the circumstances of his death: according to one report, he committed suicide; according to another, he was beaten to death by peasants from whom he tried to steal food. Soon, Qing troops arrived in Sichuan. Zhang Xianzhong left Chengdu and tried to use scorched earth tactics, but in January 1647 he died in one of the battles. Foci of resistance to the Manchus, where the descendants of the Ming emperors still ruled, in particular, the kingdom of Zheng Chenggong in Formosa (Taiwan) existed for a long time. Despite the loss of the capital and the death of the emperor, China (i.e. the Ming Empire) was still not defeated. Nanjing, Fujian, Guangdong, Shanxi and Yunnan still remained loyal to the overthrown dynasty. However, several princes claimed the vacated throne at once and their forces were fragmented. One by one, these last centers of resistance submitted to Qing power, and in 1662, with the death of Zhu Youlan, the Yongli Emperor, the last hope for a Ming restoration disappeared.

It's no secret that at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, Persia was an unusual mixture of old and new traditions that were embodied in everyday life. Despite the introduction of the latest Western developments, harems, slaves and strange traditions could still be seen here. We invite you to look at photographs of that time, which are completely different from anything you could imagine.

The last Shahs of the Qajar dynasty struggled to modernize the country. Engineers from Russia built the telegraph, the French trained the army, airplanes appeared in Tehran - at that moment the last word in technology. The pilots, of course, were daredevils, but the girl in a burqa and dirty shoes, proprietiously leaning on the plane in this photo, looks no less dashing.

Shah Nasser ad-Din, who ruled Persia in the second half of the 19th century, was fond of photography from his youth. He set up his own photo studio in the palace and appointed Anton Sevryugin from Russia, who had a photo studio in Tehran, as the first court photographer. Sevryugin filmed the Shah and the courtiers, but the path to the women's half of the palace was closed. Nasser ad-Din personally photographed his harem.

In Persia of those years, the telegraph, airplanes and cameras coexisted with the medieval order. Numerous wives and concubines of the nobility were served by eunuchs and slaves from Africa and the Caucasus. Slavery was banned only in 1929, after the overthrow of the Qajar dynasty.

The harem of Mozafereddin Shah, the son and successor of Nasser ad-Din, has nothing in common with the fantasies of Europeans who have read oriental fairy tales. This is not "A Thousand and One Nights" - no half-naked girls and belly dancing. It looks more like a peaceful family portrait: women look decorously into the lens, mischievous children crawl under the table.

The daughter of Shah Nasser ad-Din, the chubby beauty Akhtar ad-Daula, poses with her maids. In the second half of the 19th century, Persian ideas about beauty - both female and male - differed markedly from European ones. Noble girls did not strive to lose weight and flaunted thick eyebrows, and sometimes light facial hair.

A group of women with a goat in the andaruni (inner chambers) of the Shah's palace. The veils on their heads were surprisingly combined with miniskirts that would have caused a scandal in any European capital of the time.

The beloved concubine often appears in photographs taken by Nasser ad-Din, and each time in a new outfit - either in a Persian skirt, or in a European dress, or in a Japanese kimono. The girl was a Circassian beauty and, most likely, a slave.

The Shah's granddaughter Ismat al-Muluk and her relatives make faces in front of the camera. You won’t see anything like this on Instagram, but in the 19th century they didn’t joke with photos. For the photo to be successful, people had to sit motionless in front of the camera for several minutes with a blank face. But the law is not written for princesses, especially in cases where their own grandfather is hiding under the cover of the cell.

Another photograph of Ismat is also not entirely serious. She stands next to her sister Fakhr al-Taj, and their father, the Shah's son-in-law, is lying under a chair.

Next to the Shah’s granddaughter Fakhr al-Taj, her mother, the daughter of Shah Nasser ad-Din Ismat ad-Daula, took a nap on the bench.

Another granddaughter of the Shah is Ismat al-Muluk with a goat in her arms next to her husband.

Musicians and dances in the city of Selmas.

Despite traditional clothing and head coverings, the girls at the girls' school study the most advanced science of the time, and the classroom is equipped with microscopes - not a cheap pleasure.