Gautier in Italy From Padua, where, as they said, doctors had become skilled in treating the “French disease,” Théophile Gautier sent a postcard with the following content: “Padua is inhabited by very beautiful girls who come here on a pan walk because of the Medical

Part 3. Russian village artists and book writers At the end of the 18th – beginning of the 20th centuries. Book writing was traditionally preserved among peasants. It was inseparable from the spiritual foundations of peasant life. About peasant libraries as an integral part of peasant culture, about

Russian artists in literary portraits by Georgy Mironov It is very difficult for a practicing painter to evaluate works of art history. The artist must create works of art, the critic must evaluate their artistic significance, and agree or dispute

Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Part one.
Russian Athos in the XV-XX centuries
(M. Talalay, P. Troitsky)
I. Renewal of ties between Rus' and Athos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
1. XV-XVI centuries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2. “Panteleev” monastery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
II. Athos and Russia in the 17th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
1. Alms from Muscovy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
2. Correction of the “Moscow” books on the Athos rite. . . . 31
III. Crisis and revival: XVIII - early XIX centuries. . . . . . . . . 35
1. Decline of Russik. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
2. Help for Russian Afonites. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
3. The feat of St. Paisia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
4. Transfer of Athonite traditions to Russia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
IV. XIX century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Panteleimon Monastery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
1. Crisis in the first half of the 19th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
2. Greco-Russian Panteleimon trial. . . . . . . . . . 72
3. Abbess Fr. Macaria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
4. Founding Fathers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
St. Andrew's Skete. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
1. Founding Fathers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
2. Second half of the 19th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
3. Beginning of the twentieth century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Elias Skete. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
1. The end of the 17th - first half of the 19th century.
The service of the monk-prince Anikita. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
2. Mid-19th century: Paisiy-“Second”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
3. Second half of the 19th century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
4. Rev. Gabriel of Athos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Small Russian monasteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
1. Kelly St. John Chrysostom
(Khilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
2. Cell of St. Ignatius the God-Bearer
(Khilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
3. Cell of St. John the Evangelist
(Khilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
4. Annunciation cell
(Khilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
5. Cell of the Holy Trinity
(Khilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
6. Kelly St. Nikolai "Belozerka"
(Khilandar Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
7. Kelly St. John Chrysostom
(Iversky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
8. Cell of St. Onuphrius of Egypt and Peter of Athos
(Iversky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
9. St. George's cell on Kerashi (Great Lavra). . . . 210
10. Artemyevskaya cell (Great Lavra). . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
11. Holy Cross cell
(Karakal Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
12. Cell of Presentation of the Virgin Mary into the Temple
(Stavronikitsky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
13. Annunciation cell
(Simono-Petrovsky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
14. Cell of St. Stephen
(Panteleimon Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
CONTENTS 7
15. Cell of the Position of the Belt (Iveron Monastery). . . . 222
16. Ascension cell (Filofeevsky monastery). . . . 226
17. Cell of St. Nicholas
(Filofeevsky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
18. Cell of the Great Martyr George
(Filofeevsky Monastery). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
19. Cell of Michael the Archangel
(Cathedral of the Archangels; Stavronikitsky Monastery). . . . . 231
20. Russian cells and kalivas of the Karulsky monastery. . . . . . . . . . 232
21. Brotherhood of Russian monasteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
V. Beginning of the twentieth century. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
1. Attempts at reform on Mount Athos and Russian diplomacy. . . 249
2. Joining Greece. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
3. Athos question after the London conference
great powers (A. Parshintsev). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
4. Athonite "Troubles". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
5. First World War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Part two.
Russian Svyatogorsk residents in 1918-2015.
(M. Shkarovsky)
1. Russian Athonite monasticism
in the first post-revolutionary years. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
2. Spiritual and economic life
Russian monasteries of Athos in the 1925-1930s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
3. Holy Mountain during the Second World War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
4. The gradual decline of Russian Athonite monasticism
in 1945-1960s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367
5. The struggle of the Moscow Patriarchate
for the preservation of Russian monasteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413
6. Revival of Russian Athonite monasticism
in the 1990s - 2010s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443
List of abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 463

HISTORY OF DOMESTIC COLLABORATION: MATERIALS AND RESEARCH » PUBLISHED AT A N L E S M TV AS O « STA RA YA B Old Basmannaya Moscow 2017 Scientific publication Responsible editor A. Martynov History of domestic collaboration: Materials and research. – M.: Staraya Basmannaya, 2017. – 396 p.: ill. The collection exposes the myths that justify the collaboration, and also introduces into scientific circulation previously unknown texts and facts about the collaboration of Soviet citizens and Russian emigrants with the Nazis during the Great Patriotic War and the crimes they committed. The relationship between the Vlasovites and the SS, the punitive activities of the Kaminsky brigade, internal conflicts and contradictions between collaborators in the so-called 1st Russian National Army, the service of former Red Army soldiers in the “White Guard” Russian Corps, the participation of the ROA brigade in battles in Italy at the end of the war. ISBN 978-5-906470-???????????????? © Team of authors, text, illustrations, 2017 © Staraya Basmannaya LLC, original layout, 2017 Preface 3 CONTENTS Martynov A. Preface...................... ........................................................ ..........5 Semenov K. “With comradely greetings, your G. Himmler”: SS and the Vlasov movement..................... ........................................................ .......7 Appendix......................................... ........................................................ .....21 Petrov I., Martynov A. “An unsightly picture of the scenes of the Vlasov movement”: Mikhail Samygin and his book.....................25 Samygin M. Russian liberation movement............................................37 Zhukov D ., Kovtun I. Repressive activities of the Kaminsky brigade in the occupied territories of the USSR in 1941–1944. ........................................................ ...............................123 Appendix................... ........................................................ ...........................172 Beyda O., Petrov I. “The overthrow of communism is possible only with the Germans...”: Letter and interview with Farid Kapkaeva.......181 Bondarev D. Review of Polish sources on war crimes of the combined regiment of the RONA brigade during the suppression of the Warsaw Uprising of 1944.............. ...............221 Martynov A. “...There are no objections to the publication of postcards with Russian text for the Cossacks”: On the issue of cultural policy in the 1st Cossack Cavalry Division.... ...........................................246 Talalay M . Italian evidence about the Cossack camp......................251 Belkov A. The beginning of the Great Patriotic War as reflected by the Russian emigrant press in Yugoslavia........ .......274 Martynov A. Reds in the ranks of whites: On the issue of the service of Soviet citizens in the Russian Corps........................... ...........................284 Zhukov D., Kovtun I. Boris Holmston-Smyslovsky and NTS: A history of cooperation and confrontation.... ...................................297 4 Contents Martynov A. “The time has come for the ranks of 1- th Russian National Army left the country": On the history of the presence of Holmston-Smyslovsky’s troops in Liechtenstein................................... ........................................................ ..........339 Shneer A. Camp Travniki based on investigative documents of the NKVD, MGB, KGB and trials of 1944–1987. in the USSR...................................346 Appendix......... ........................................................ ...................................387 Martynov A. On the history of the activities of the ROA brigade in Italy..... ......388 Italian evidence of the Cossack camp 251 Mikhail Talalay Italian evidence of the Cossack camp Before moving on to the direct evidence of the Italians about the presence of the Cossacks among them, let us briefly recall the facts. In September 1942, in Novocherkassk, occupied by the Germans, with the sanction of the occupation authorities, a Cossack gathering gathered, at which the headquarters of the Don Army was elected (from November 1942 - the headquarters of the Campaign Ataman). In fact, this meant the creation of local government in a territory inhabited by approximately 160 thousand people. In January–February 1943, after the offensive of the Red Army, 120 thousand refugees moved from Taman across the ice to Taganrog (among them were 80 thousand Cossacks, including old people, women and children). Some of them became the basis of the future Cossack camp, originally located in Ukraine, where in the spring of 1944 only about 18 thousand Cossacks and their families gathered, the rest were scattered along various European fronts, died during the retreat or were captured by the advancing units of the Red Army . As a result, a mini-model of a traditional Cossack army with a hierarchical structure arose, located in a separate territory where active military units were stationed and villages were located. The camp was managed by its creator, a former colonel of the Don Army, marching ataman Sergei Vasilyevich Pavlov, who in Soviet times worked as an engineer at one of the Novocherkassk factories1. The officers of the Cossack camp attracted Cossack refugees scattered throughout Ukraine during the war. The arriving Cossacks were distributed among the Don, Kuban and Terek “stanitas”. 1 Talalai M. Commander, writer, Cossack // Posev. 2005. No. 7. pp. 45–46. 252 M. Talalay The Germans planned to locate the camp in areas of partisan activity, but due to the threat of encirclement, the Cossacks and their families in the spring of 1944, by order of the German command, were moved to Belarus, to the area of ​​​​the cities of Baranovichi - Slonim - Yelnya - Capitals - Novogrudok, where the headquarters was located. However, already in July the Cossacks were taken to the northern part of Poland, to the Bialystok region. From here began the transfer of Stan to Northern Italy, consisting of 11 regiments (1,200 people each), auxiliary units, a cadet school, as well as old men, women and children2. Back in the fall of 1943, after the successful advance of the Allies in the Apennines, in the northeastern territories of Italy, the Nazis established the province of the Adriatic Coast (Adriatisches Küstenland), which included the regions of Udine, Gorizia, Trieste, Ljubljana, in order to strengthen their positions on the Italian front. In this area, Nazi troops were threatened not only by constant Allied bombing, but also by the ever-increasing partisan movement. It was the successes of the communist partisan brigade named after. Garibaldi forced the Wehrmacht to send Cossacks (and Caucasians) to Italy. The Cossack camp was directly subordinate to the chief of the SS and police of the Adriatisches Küstenland, SS Ober-Gruppenführer Odilo Globocnik. At the end of July - beginning of August 1944, about 20 thousand Cossacks unloaded at the railway stations of Carnia and Pontebba under the command of Timofey Ivanovich Domanov, who replaced the marching ataman Pavlov, who died on June 17, 1944. Cossack detachments - officially the Separate Cossack Corps (Einzel- Kosakenkorps) - settled mainly in Dzhemona, occupying the Ozoppo fortress and the village of Amaro, where members of their families settled. In September 1944, another Cossack contingent appeared in this area. With him came many civilian refugees, who settled in Alesso, Cavazzo and Tolmezzo. Small groups of Cossacks also settled in Casarsa, Buya, Maiano, San Daniele, and Civadalese (the Caucasians settled a little further north, in Palza)3. 2 Shkarovsky M. Cossack camp in Northern Italy // New Journal. 2006. No. 242. P. 203. 3 Talalai M. To the commander, writer, Cossack. P. 46. Italian evidence of the Cossack camp 253 Italian settlements were now called villages. The Cossack center, Alesso, became Novocherkassk, and its main square was named after Ataman Platov, and one of the main streets - Balaklavskaya, in memory of the participation of the Cossacks in the famous battle of the Crimean War, remembered by contemporaries for the famous attack of the British Light Brigade and the “thin red line” "Scottish Fusiliers. In February 1945, the 76-year-old head of the Main Directorate of Cossack Troops, a participant in the Civil War, cavalry general Pyotr Krasnov, who left Berlin, set up his main headquarters in Verzenis, at the Savoia Hotel (currently Stella d’Oro)4. It is difficult to determine the exact statistics of the Cossack camp; according to various sources, it consisted of from 21,500 to 35,954 people5. On September 30, 1944, its strength officially amounted to 15,590 people, including 8,435 civilians (including the elderly, women and children) and 7,155 military personnel, comprising seven infantry regiments and one cavalry. In October–November, they were joined by more than 6,700 Cossack troops (consisting of three regiments). According to the report of Major General Domanov, by April 27, 1945, the strength of the camp was 31,630 thousand people, including 18,060 privates, non-commissioned officers and officers, as well as 13,570 civilians6. ...On April 30, 1945, the commander of the German troops on the Southwestern Front (in Italy), Colonel General Heinrich von Vietinghof, signed a ceasefire order, and surrender was to begin on May 2. On the same day, the leadership of the Cossack camp issued an order to relocate to the territory of Austria, in East Tyrol, hoping for an honorable surrender to the British. On the night of May 2-3, the Cossacks set out on their last campaign across the Alps. It turned out to be very difficult: at first, near the village of Ovaro, the partisans blocked the mountain road and demanded the surrender of all transport and weapons. After a short battle, the Cossacks won and cleared the way for themselves. 4 Talalai M. To the commander, writer, Cossack. pp. 45, 46; Shkarovsky M. Cossack camp in Northern Italy. P. 206. 5 Martynov A.V. On both sides of the truth: the Vlasov movement and domestic collaboration. M., 2014. P. 331. 6 Shkarovsky M. Cossack camp in Northern Italy. P. 205. 254 M. Talalay It is significant that during the last campaign the Cossacks often killed German officers who fled from Italy, and generally expressed anti-German feelings in every possible way. On the first day of Easter, May 6, almost all Cossack units, having overcome the icy Alpine pass Plekenpass in difficult weather conditions, crossed the Italian-Austrian border and reached the Oberdrauburg area7. In Austria, Cossacks and members of their families - now there are 22 thousand of them left - surrendered to the British command, which on May 28 - June 1, 1945 handed them over to the USSR (and not only former “sub-Soviet” ones, but also foreign citizens). On January 17, 1947, Krasnov and his closest associates were executed in Moscow. About Italian publications on the history of the Cossack camp in 1944–1945. is discussed in detail below. Among other foreign works, we highlight the following: Thorvald Jü. Wenn sie verderben vollen (1952); Huxley-Blythe P. The East came West (1964). Also in 2008, a collection of articles “Die Kosaken im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg” was published in Austria (Innsbruck) under the general editorship of Harald Stadler, but on the topic of the Cossack camp it contains only a translated article by Peter Krikunov. Of the Russian researchers, emigrants and their descendants were the first to take up the topic. Here we should mention the name of Nikolai Tolstoy-Miloslavsky, who dedicated the chapters of his fundamental works “Victims of Yalta” (1978) and “The minister and the Massacres” (1986) to the Cossacks, as well as Major General Vyacheslav Naumenko, who compiled 20 issues of the “Collection of materials about extradition of the Cossacks in 1945” (1952–1962)8, and the book by Alexander Lenivov “Under the Cossack Banner in 1943–1945: The Epic of the Cossack Camp under the leadership of the Marching Atamans of the Cossack Troops S.V. Pavlova and T.I. Domanova: Materials and Documents" (1970). In Russia, the first scientific articles about the Cossack camp appeared in the mid-90s: Reshin L. “Cossacks” with a swastika. Documents from the KGB archives (Rodina. 1993. No. 2. P. 70–82); Sat. “Materials on the history of Rus- 7 Shkarovsky M. Cossack Stan in Northern Italy. pp. 213–214. 8 Republished: Naumenko V.G. The Great Betrayal: in 2 volumes. New York, 1962, 1970. See also: Naumenko V.G. Great betrayal. M.; St. Petersburg, 2008. Italian evidence about the Cossack camp of the 255 liberation movement (articles, documents, memoirs)” (issue 1, 4. 1997, 1999); Alexandrov K.M. “The Cossacks of Russia in the Second World War: on the history of the creation of the Cossack Stan (1942–1943)” (New Sentinel. 1997. No. 5. pp. 154–168); Talalay M.G. ““Cossack land” in Italy” (Science, culture and politics of Russian emigration. St. Petersburg, 2004. pp. 53–58); Shkarovsky M.V. “The Cossack Stan in Northern Italy and its church life” (Russians in Italy: Cultural heritage of emigration / Compiled, scientifically edited by M.G. Talalaya. M.: Russian Way, 2006. pp. 190–208). From individual publications we highlight: Alferyev B., Kruk V. “Marching Ataman Old Man von Pannwitz” (1997); Krikunov P. “Cossacks: Between Hitler and Stalin” (2005)9. *** “...Now Hitler gave Carnia into the hands of the Russians [Cossacks], whom the Germans gathered, protected and fed. One German officer will serve as a liaison between the German high command and the Russians. This is a gang of huge and powerful men, armed to the teeth, on excellent horses imported from Poland. Ahead is a real occupation army - without women, consisting of colonels, majors, captains, lieutenants and further lower in rank"10. This entry was left in his diary on October 8, 1944 by the priest Don Graziano Boria (1907–1980), rector of the parish in Verzenis, in the region of Carnia, which, in turn, is part of the Friuli region. His diary, despite the errors that are excusable for a clergyman (in particular, regarding the military ranks of the Cossack army), is one of the first and truly unique sources on the Cossack epic in Northern Italy. At that stage of the war, the Italian administration in Carnia was essentially absent, since the entire region became part of the Adriatisches Küstenland of the Third Reich. Therefore, Berlin did not even deign to notify its ally, Mussolini, about the resettlement of the Cossacks to the north of the Apennines, to the indigenous Italian lands. In fact, the only local structure that somehow entered into relations with the military 9 See also: Talalay M.G. Russian participants in the Italian war of 1943–1945: partisans, Cossacks, legionnaires. M., 2015. 10 Here and further per. from Italian author of the article. 256 M. Talalay married aliens, became the Catholic Church. It is no coincidence that it was the bishop from Tolmezzo who informed Mussolini about the arrival of the Cossack Stan. The diary of Don Graziano Boria is unique not only for its day-to-day description of the formation and disintegration of the “Cossack Land” in Carnia, but also for the fact that its author became one of the few persons whom the Cossacks and their leaders perceived as an authoritative representative of the local population. Transferred to the diocesan archive, the diary of Don Graziono Boria has long come to the attention of researchers, but only recently was it published in its entirety in a rare edition11. His meticulous description of the smallest events recreates the overall panorama in its historical development - from horror and anxiety in the face of invasion, through adaptation to an unexpected and demanding neighbor, right up to compassion and the desire to help the Cossacks at the time of mortal danger for them. The first days of October 1944 are indeed presented by the priest in the most dramatic tones: “The partisans who fled fired goodbye, causing anxiety, terror, and vendetta on the part of the Russians. The parish priest of Illeggio, Don Osvaldo Lenna, tried to escape through the window of his house and ended up in the city hospital of Tolmezzo. They killed the vicar priest, the holy man, Don Giuseppe Treppo, when he tried to protect women from rapists obsessed with lust. Don Giuseppe died as a martyr - from these soldiers sent to Carnia, as if it were a partisan region. Paid with his life. Two days later he was buried by Don Carlo Englaro and a Salesian priest from Tolmezzo. Advancement proceeded along the Bute valley, causing death, fires, violence, and robbery. The stunned population began to realize that these horrors may have been caused by the irrationality of the partisans. Guerrilla resistance is a great idea, but in contrast to youthful recklessness, discipline, order, mobility, and fodder are needed. Several thousand partisans, scattered along the gorges, among poor villages, will never be able to defend a region like Carnia, 11 Conference collection: I cosacchi in Italia [“Cossacks in Italy”], 1944-’45 / a cura di A. Stroili. Tolmezzo: Edizioni Andrea Moro, 2008, pp. 155–214. The diary's publisher is Evaldo Marzona. Italian evidence of the Cossack camp 257 from 60 thousand Cossacks sent by Hitler - from their armed occupation army, followed by their families and rear convoys.” The arrival of the Cossacks occurred in two stages. First, units arrived here to “clean up” the territory, whose bloody actions are described in the entry dated October 8. After the punitive operation, Stan himself arrived. Local residents were forced to give up their homes to the Cossacks, which inevitably caused clashes and acts of violence on the part of the newcomers. There were, however, cases of “peaceful coexistence”: Gemona resident Juliana Gravina (sister of the famous actress Carla Gravina), for example, told the author of this article that her family had to give their kitchen to the Cossacks, while remaining to live in the house; She remembered the Cossacks for their delicacy and friendliness: when leaving, they presented the family with several items, including a samovar. There is also the following contemporary eyewitness account of the arrival of the Cossacks: “They, together with their families, moved - quite decently - into the houses of the peasants. The long train of wagons was reminiscent of [American] pioneers. They dragged carts and animals with them - cows, horses. When they entered houses, not without fear, they asked if there were partisans... The partisans, of course, preferred to be in the forest”12. And Don Graziano, after a week, the tone of the story changes somewhat: “The Cossacks came as masters. We don’t know their language, and their character is not conducive to communication. We have to come to terms with the fact that we can no longer move freely. The partisans went to the mountains, but, taken by surprise, they did not have good bivouacs there. Winter is at the gates, and so much is unclear. The idol of resistance has faded, and everyone is busy only trying to adapt to the new strict masters.<…> The newcomers are very religious, and our [and Don Giuseppe’s] vestments evoke respect and honor among them. They greet us politely and are ready to listen to our questions.” The priest's peasant intelligence - he is a native of this region - leads him to develop relations with the occupiers. He tries to find among them the most sociable and those who speak at least some foreign languages ​​- mainly German phrases and words that the Cossacks mastered, moving from Russia through Central Europe to Italy. His main interlocutor is a certain middle-aged Cossack, who told about himself that in the past he worked as a mining engineer. However, the delicate balance was periodically disrupted by various incidents: “The Russians went up to Kyaichis in search of hay for their horses. They came from Tolmezzo. Local residents, deciding to discourage them, began to beat the bells with hammers. The Russians, fearing a partisan trap, hastily fled towards Intissance. Around 10 am. Racing on horse-drawn carts, they scream terribly. Some cart on the Chiaichis-Intissance road lies overturned. Kiaichis is very pleased with the success achieved. But it didn't last long. The Cossacks, who hastily arrived from Tolmezzo to Verzenis, announce a punitive campaign against the partisans the next day, the 25th. In fact, early in the morning, an impressive detachment of mounted Russians, armed to the teeth and angry, rose to Chiaichis and, besieging the village, gathered all the men, old and young, into the house of Alessandrina Vidussoni - for the sake of vendetta. They searched all the houses. There is widespread fear in the village; no one can leave or enter. Men are waiting to die. In total, 80 people were forced into one room, without water or food. The Cossacks cannot be convinced: Kyaichis must pay in full for everyone.” Even the priest’s acquaintance, a former “mining engineer,” periodically assumes severity and demands from his yesterday’s interlocutor “papers,” which he, like others, calls in German: “papir.” The Cossacks sent by the Wehrmacht to Italy were aware that this was a “temporary” homeland, and the obstacle to returning to their true homeland remained the Bolshevik system, which had caused so much trouble to the Cossacks in Russia and had spread its influence to Europe. The main enemy in Carnia for the Cossacks was the partisan movement, which, of course, could not withstand a numerically superior and well-armed enemy. The Garibaldi partisans, who had gone to the mountains, with a pro-communist ideology, committed individual acts of sabotage and constantly fired at the Cossacks (we emphasize that the partisans set as their goal to clear their native land from uninvited aliens). The name of the partisan brigade in Friuli - “Stalin”, which was commanded by junior lieutenant Daniil Avdeev, who escaped from captivity and died in battle with the Germans (November 14, 1944) gave a special ideological urgency to the conflict. Although the "Stalin" brigade did not operate in Carnia itself, the communist partisans in those parts were often called "Stalinists". Before the arrival of the Cossacks, the priest Graziano Boria ideologically supported the Resistance and helped the partisans, and his colleague from Friuli, the priest Don Aldo Moretti, even personally participated in the creation of the Ozoppo partisan brigade. As a rule, there were serious disagreements between the demo-Catholic partisans and the communist partisans (especially closer to the Slovenian lands, in the Trieste region, where ethnic conflicts arose between Italians and Slovenes, mainly of Tito’s orientation), but in Carnia they managed to create a united front against the German Nazis, Italian fascists, and, from the fall of 1944, against the Cossacks. Don Graziano's connections with the partisans later aroused serious suspicion among the Cossack leadership. “They are waiting for me in Tolmezzo. I go down alone and find there, as a translator, a Russian boy who once faithfully helped the “Stalinist” partisans. I am being interrogated in the presence of the boy. I was often seen in Villa di Verzenis, also in the company of partisans. The boy doesn’t give me away and turns everything in my favor without compromising me. They asked me about the partisan detachments, their numbers and location. They were especially interested in Leonardo Stefani, his activities and his assistance to the “Stalinists”. I got away miraculously: five majors shook my hand, and the boy smiled. Taking this opportunity, I ask them for a pass, a “papier,” to all the villages of Verzenis. They promised to give it the next day, November 1, in Kyaichis. He walked away from what could have been the last disaster in his life with a great sigh of relief. I thanked the Lord, and also, with a smile, the boy in whose hands my life was then.” Life together continues and even seems to return to normal, as far as possible under such circumstances. The gradual rapprochement of two different worlds is facilitated by the Christian cult - Orthodox priests, “priests” arrived with the Cossack camp, to whom the padre provides all possible assistance in organizing divine services. One of the “priests” is given special attention in the diary; communicating with him is a rare opportunity! - Don Graziano (he sometimes writes about himself in the third person) is trying to find out more about Orthodoxy: 260 M. Talalay “Tall, with a scraggly beard, long hair, sometimes dresses like a soldier, sometimes in a black faded robe to the toes, on his chest, on a cord or chain - a wooden cross, measuring 5 by 7 cm. Polite, speaks only Russian . He spent seven years in Siberian camps, then escaped and joined the displaced Caucasians. We understand each other by signs and illustrated doctrine13. Behaves politely and compliantly. The church in Kiaulis asks me for its services. I ask permission from the archbishop and receive it on the following conditions: 1) remove the holy gifts from the church; 2) remove the holy stone14 from the altar on which the ceremony will be performed; 3) do not participate in their services without express permission. It seems to me important to meet them halfway and win their favor. You can't complain about their behavior in church. Their ceremonies are unusually long with wonderful choral singing. They consume a lot of candles, which they keep lit. Don Graziano attended one mass, which lasted three hours. The Italians won't stand this! The vestments are of the ancient oriental type. Red wine is used for Holy Mass. The bread is round in shape with an embossed cross. Regarding doctrine, I was able to understand that the main differences are in the Pope and the Filioque. However, regarding the last dogmatic truth, even the priests themselves could not say anything intelligible. They study for ten years in a regular school, then they are chosen by a bishop and ordained - without knowing any language other than Russian. They serve while staying with their families. If they can get married, they work. Some donations from believers.” Experiencing an understandable “professional” interest, the Italian priest describes in detail the church rituals and holidays that he was forced to witness: Christmas and Easter, carols and fasts, breaking the fast and funerals. His colleagues at the altar twice went together on a difficult journey - to the town of Gemona for the sake of the wine necessary for their services - white for Don Graziano and red for the “priest”. At the same time, inevitable friction continued. The Cossacks, although they received rations from the Wehrmacht, demanded from the local population to “strengthen” it, and for their horses - hay (this is probably the often heard word Don Graziano quotes in Russian, albeit distorted: “sima”). Of particular interest are the pages of the diary dedicated to Krasnov, who arrived in Verzenyis on February 12, 1945. Why here? The priest himself explains it this way: 13 Illustrated Catechism. 14 Stone tiles with relics, similar to an Orthodox antimins. Italian evidence about the Cossack camp 261 Camels, a strange form of clothing, an incomprehensible language... It is not surprising that the Italians called the Cossacks “Mongols” Source: Private collection 262 M. Talalay Samples of passes issued by the administration of the Cossack camp, which allowed the Italians to visit the places from which they were expelled. Source: Private collection Italian evidence of the Cossack camp 263 "<Краснов> chose Verzenis because it seemed more reliable and far from bombing. Dzhemona, where he had stopped earlier for two days, did not provide such reliability. We are afraid that now the rules for us will be stricter, but at the same time we hope that the Cossacks will become more disciplined. We hope!” The appearance in the region of an authoritative head of the Cossacks (a visible dual power was established in the Stan, since his ataman Domanov also remained in his post) provided Don Graziano with the opportunity to once again raise his voice against the insults and oppression inflicted by the Cossacks. Having asked for an audience, he prepares a special memo. “After explanations at the reception, I was accepted. A Russian translator who knows Italian perfectly helps. The conversation first revolves around the environment in which we all live, then I make an effort and take out the memo. He receives it very kindly, promises to translate it into Russian and call on the Cossacks to greater discipline. Krasnov is a tall, broad-shouldered man, his head slightly to one side. Gives the impression of kindness and dignity at the same time. He is gray as a harrier, clean shaven, and keeps a watch on a chain in his vest pocket, just like our fathers did. After this first visit to Krasnov, we perked up somewhat. But in reality he could do virtually nothing to rein in his young subordinates. Although when the Cossacks learned about my meeting with General Krasnov, they began to show me more respect.” The priest met with Krasnov twice. The second - and last time - on the eve of Catholic Easter, on Saturday, March 31, 1945. “Krasnov received me again. They talked about democracy, about the conversion of Russia according to the revelations at Fatima (May 13 - October 13, 1917),15 about the poverty in which we all find ourselves, about the increasing incidence of thefts by Russians. I suggested that he contact [deputy] Gortani16, but he did not want to. On the conversion of Russia to Catholicism, not 15 In 1917, in the Portuguese town of Fatima, the Virgin Mary repeatedly appeared to three shepherdesses, according to the story of Lucia, the only one of them who lived to adulthood; During one of these apparitions, Lucia heard a prediction about the conversion of Russia (to Catholicism), and at that moment the girl decided that it was about some woman with that name. 16 Michele Gortani later headed the Committee for National Liberation (CNL) in Carnia, a cell of the all-Italian anti-fascist structure that led the country 264 M. Talalay wanted to hear. He spoke with great respect about Pius XII17. The cardinal of Paris awarded him a gold medal for his book “Hate”18. He declares that Stalin will be condemned as a traitor to the Russian people, but he is afraid that this is still very far away. I give you a typed memo. She tells me again that she will be transferred. He admits that the Cossacks are evil, but evil not by nature, but because of their wandering life, which they have been leading for more than twenty years of dispersion. During the conversation, they hospitably offer me tea. I dared to ask for some sugar to go with me - for my mother. They give me a quarter of a kilo, with an apology that they can’t give me more. Krasnov’s wife herself is tending the table, a small woman of 80 years old, with completely gray hair, courteous and noble, with a sweet smile19. Knows some Italian words and speaks French. The visit ends with mutual well wishes and Easter greetings.<…>I didn't see him again. If he had stayed with us, I could have saved him." The last phrase was clearly added later. Don Graziano created his diary in the following way: first he kept short daily notes, on the basis of which he then wrote extended texts. Apparently, on the eve of the flight of the Cossacks from Italy, the padre, full of foreboding of the tragic end, tried to organize their negotiations with the partisans for the sake of a truce and the surrender of weapons. This was prevented by the following circumstances: 1) the Cossack leaders considered it beneath their dignity to enter into negotiations with “bandit” detachments; 2) the Italian partisans predominantly adhered to a pro-communist orientation, which was perceived with extreme hostility by the Cossacks; 3) the leadership of the Cossacks, primarily Krasnov, believed in the nobility of the British, who were on the side of the “white” Cossacks during the Civil War. The last days are presented in the diary as follows: “The [Cossack] colonel “Barbon” wants to see me. I take it at one o'clock in the afternoon. The colonel is armed with a gun. He asks me about the movement after the fall of the Mussolini regime and the expulsion of the Germans. This committee also invited the Cossacks to work out the terms of surrender, but they refused negotiations, preferring to go to the English zone. 17 Pope Pius XII (1876–1958) was known for his anti-communist and pro-German beliefs and as an admirer of the Fatima Promises. 18 Roman P.N. Krasnova, published in Paris in 1930. 19 Lidia Fedorovna Krasnova, born. Grüneisen (1870–1949); died near Munich, in the American occupation zone. Italian evidence about the Cossack camp 265 guerrillas, their numbers, about a turquoise car that passed three days ago. I answer, exaggerating, in order to convince him of the need to lay down his arms and desert. I assure you that negotiations on surrender have begun and that nothing will happen to them if they surrender peacefully. He listens attentively, but is not at all convinced of capitulation. In parting he gives me his hand, I respond with a blessing gesture. The conversation lasted for half an hour.<…>Around 17.30 we go to take a closer look at the care. We meet “Barbon”, who greets us coldly. We wish good luck to everyone passing by. And the priest leaves. His sister is sitting on the cart, he is standing next to her. We say goodbye to him warmly, but he is silent. We are glad that it is raining - that means there will be no bombing. The column moves, and these unfortunates went towards their death! Don Giuseppe and I exchange anxious thoughts. If they had listened to us, almost all of them would have saved their lives. On the evening of May 2, only 20 Russians remained in Kyaichis, all of them are theater actors and musicians, they were gathered by one Albanian woman who knows Italian. She asks us whether to stay or not. We answer that it is better to stay - it is our responsibility. Later we defended these poor Russians from the Garibaldian partisans who decided to take possession of their chests. They were also protected in writing from the British. They were gathered first in Treviso, then in Rome. They ended up in Brazil: they often wrote thanks for the good they had done.” The final pages of the diary describe the exodus of the Cossacks from Italy and their subsequent extradition to Lienz. The priest retells these events from other people’s lips, and therefore they are overgrown with legendary details: “From Carnia, more than 50 thousand Cossacks had to leave for Austria, where they hoped to find respite and protection. They were pursued by partisans who had left their holes and wandered around, as if they were liberators, in search of easy military adventures, wanting to kill, take revenge, and rob. Fearing the English or American victors, whom they did not know, fearing revenge from the civilian population, the Cossacks wanted to quickly find themselves in Val de Gaile, beyond the Passo Monte Croce pass. The long-awaited moment of liberation for the partisans and the population has arrived. Some commanders committed suicide, many tore off their insignia to avoid revenge. The retreat was covered by Cossacks who arrived from Trieste, where they distinguished themselves by their cruelty and ability to fight back. More than 70 thousand Russians left for Val-de-Gail, carrying weapons with them until the last moment, without surrendering them to either the partisans or the Austrians. There, as we learned from the survivors, this entire sea of ​​people - men, women, old people, children, with their carts, horses, belongings - were bombed by the Americans and machine-gunned by partisans who had taken refuge in the mountains. Many died.<…> How many Russians who fell into the hands of Stalin’s army were executed or thrown into the waters of the Danube20!” . The war period of the priest’s diary ends with an entry dated May 6, 1945: “On May 6, in the afternoon, the British appeared in high-speed tanks. They marched to Tolmezzo, where allies flocked from Amaro, Villasantina, and Verzenis. On May 8, the last Russians remaining in Chiachis set out. The allies gathered them in Tolmezzo and sent them to Udine-Treviso. If everyone had listened to our advice, including the general, they could have been saved! Because everyone, with the exception of the most brutal elements, had nothing to fear! However, military events ended the lives of the poor fellows at the very threshold of their salvation.” The diary of Don Graziano Boria remains an unsurpassed Italian source, to which is added a growing literature of various types every year. The first serious studies in Italy devoted to the presence of the Cossack camp began to appear a few years after the end of the war. The earliest publications covered events from the point of view of the Resistance participants. These include Antonio Toppan’s book “Facts and Crimes of the German Occupation in Carnia” (Fatti e misfatti dell’occupazione tedesca in Carnia, 1948), then Pietro Menis’ book “The Time of the Cossacks” (Tempo di cosac - chi, 1949), as well as an extensive journal article by Antonio Faleschini “Cossack invasion in Friuli” (Invasione cosacca in Friuli // Sot la nape, maggio-giugno 1951, pp. 1–40). In 1957, Pierre-Arrigo Carnier turned to the history of the Cossacks and published a book, in a journalistic vein, “Eighteen thousand Cossacks in Carnia” (Diciottomila cosacchi in Carnia). In various interviews, Carnier reported on the possible reason for his research passion - the blessing of Krasnov himself, who saw a handsome 8-year-old Italian boy and stroked his head. Leaving aside the legends, it should be admitted that the author was seriously interested in 20 Correct: Dravas. Italian evidence about the Cossack camp 267 topic, carefully reconstructed the events and proposed his own interpretation, rehabilitating the Cossacks. After numerous publications in periodicals, primarily in the newspaper L'Arena di Verona, which published about twenty of his articles, where Carnier presented new evidence and polemicized with his opponents, he published in 1965 a solid work, “The Cossack Army in Italy” ( L'armata cosacca in Italy)21, and then, in 1982. , – Lo sterminio mancato (“The failed extermination”). Carnier’s book “The Cossack Army in Italy” is still the richest source of information about the Cossack camp in Italy. Less well known, but also well documented (and, in our opinion, more balanced) is Marina Di Ronco's study "The Cossack-Caucasian Occupation of Carnia and Upper Friuli" (L'occupazione cosacco-caucasica della Carnia e dell"Alto Friuli), which first appeared in in the form of a thesis, and then, in 1988, as a monograph. This is a meticulous reconstruction of events, without the lyrical and emotional digressions inherent in Carnier’s text. Marina Di Ronco continued her search, focusing on identifying the iconography of the Cossack camp, which she presented at a number of conferences, but largely left unpublished. Along with these two major works, a whole series of memoirs of partisans, direct participants in the battles with the Cossacks and Caucasians, appeared in Italy in the 1960–1980s, presenting them in a negative key, including the following memoirs: Francesco Vuga, La zona libera di Carnia e l'occupazione cosacca, 1966; Natalino Candotti and Gianino Angeli Free Carnia" (Carnia libera, 1971); Chino Bocazzi (Missione Col di Luna, 1977); Giuliano De Crignis “Villa Santino Invilino. Memories of the Year of War" (Villa Santina-Invillino. Memorie di un anno di guerra, 1987). In our article we leave aside the history of the Caucasians, who, together with other eastern legionnaires, were mistakenly nicknamed “Mongols” or “Russian Mongols” by the Italians. They also took part in anti-partisan actions and sweeps in Northern Italy. 21 In 1993, the Venetian publishing house Mursia published a second, expanded edition of this book. 268 M. Talalay It was at the hands of the “Russian Mongols” that Fyodor Poletaev, Hero of the Soviet Union, fell in Liguria, which Italian veteran eyewitnesses wrote about immediately after the war, but which Soviet historiography was silent about22. In addition, several publications were organized by the Friulian Institute for the History of the Liberation Movement (Istituto Friulano per la Storia del Movimento di Liberazione), since it was the Friuli region that became the scene of the Cossack epic. The Institute by its nature represented the “partisan side”, and its meticulously documented texts were interpreted accordingly. Among them is the article by Enzo Colotti and Gialiano Fogar “Chronicles of Carnia under Nazi occupation” (Cronache della Carnia sotto l’occupazione nazista // Il movimento di liberazione in Italy, April-Giugno 1968, p. 60–102); books by Silvia Bon Gherardi and Adriana Petronio “Resistance in Friuli and Venezia Giulia” (La resistenza nel Friuli e nella Venezia Giulia, 1979); Nicoletta Paterno (Paternò) “People from the fort and the Cossacks” (La gente del forte e i cosacchi, 1994); P. Stefanuti “Novocherkassk and the surrounding area. Cossack occupation of Valle del Lago" (Novocerkassk e dintorni. L’occupazione cosacca della Valle del Lago, 1995). The work of the Russian emigrant Prof. is also close to the genre of historical essays. Alexander Ivanov, who collected in the 1980s. on the instructions of the University of Udine, information about the Cossacks and then published the book “Lost Cossacks: From Friuli to the USSR” (Сosacchi perduti: Dal Friuli all’URSS)23. Professor Ivanov, no doubt, was motivated by sympathy for his compatriots who found themselves on Italian soil under sad circumstances. He was the first local author to fully show the historical context in the USSR (Decossackization, etc.), which largely clarified the reasons for the collaboration of the Cossacks in 1941–1942. Research sometimes (but rarely) went beyond the territorial boundaries of the Friuli region: the already mentioned Enzo Colotti, who previously wrote only about Carnia, expanded the geography in the book “Adriatic Coast” 22 Lazagna (Carlo) G. Ponte rotta. Genova, 1946. P. 195. For more information about the “Mongols”, see our book “Russian Participants in the Italian War of 1943–1945...”. pp. 175–194. 23 The year of publication is not indicated in the imprint, but A. Ivanov’s book was published, possibly, in 1989 by the Aviani publishing house. Italian evidence of the Cossack camp 269 regier24 and the New European Order" (Il Litorale Adriatico nel Nuovo Ordine Europeo, 1974)." In the mid-1990s. An important attempt was made to synthesize different – ​​most often diametrically opposed – points of view: the young historian Gregorio Venir defended his thesis on the Cossack camp at the University of Bologna, and then published it in the form of a monograph: “Cossacks in Carnia (I cosacchi in Carnia, 1995). Ten years later, in 2004, a graduate of the University of Padua, Antonio Dessy, chose a similar topic for his thesis – not yet published: “Krasnov’s Cossacks in Carnia, August 1944 – May 1945, and their forced extradition Soviet side" (I cosacchi di Krasnov in Carnia, agosto 1944 – maggio 1945 e la loro forzata consegna ai Sovietici). Venir, making extensive use of Carnier's factual information, tried to remove his politicized assessment of the Resistance, where the partisan movement was attributed predominantly a revolutionary, Marxist-Stalinist spirit, and the main goal was a social revolution in Italy. Dessi’s approach is interesting because he was essentially the first to fit the Cossack camp into the socio-economic and agricultural context of the region. At the beginning of the 21st century. a new series of publications is associated with the name of the Milanese Russian scholar Patricia Deotto, originally from Friuli. Her monograph “Stanitsa Terskaya” (Stanitsa Terskaja) was published in 2005 with the subtitle “Cossack illusion about one edge.” Deotto, known as a fine connoisseur of Russian literature and the author of many articles about her favorite character, art critic Pavel Muratov, did not accidentally turn to the Cossack theme: her grandfather, an expert in foreign languages, like Patricia herself, was from Verzenis and in During the Krasnov era, he served as a translator for city authorities, communicating with the Cossacks (Patricia’s father joined the partisans). Patricia collected family legends, adding to them oral stories of local residents and a serious study of literature - books and periodicals. Having published her own book, she then participated in a series of conferences held in Verzenis25. 24 This refers to the new administrative-territorial region of the Third Reich - Adriatisches Küstenland. 25 See the collection of materials from these conferences: I cosacchi in Italia [Cossacks in Italy]... // Decree. op. R. 71–82. 270 M. Talalay Along with her, Fabio Verardo has published a lot in recent years, fascinated by the Cossack theme, primarily by the bright figure of Pyotr Krasnov. In 2010, he published the book “Cossacks of Krasnov in Carnia” (I cosacchi di Krasnov in Carnia), and in 2012, Italian literature received a separate monograph about the ataman - “Ataman Krasnov: The History of a Cossack from the Don to Friuli” (Krasnov l'atamano. Storia di un cosacco dal Don al Friuli)26. Particularly interesting is the reflection of the Cossack theme in Italian fiction. The very first artistic description of the Cossack epic in Friuli belongs to the pen of the writer Bruna Sibille Sizia. Her story “The Inaccessible Land: The History of the Cossack Army in Friuli” (La terra impossibile. Storia dell'armata cosacca in Friuli) was published in Udine in 1956: in it all the author’s sympathies are on the side of the local population and the partisans (however, the writer also recognizes the tragic fate of the Cossacks). The book became a bestseller in Friuli and was republished four times - in 1956, 1958, 1991 and 1992.27 Its undoubted advantage is the memory of the author, a native of the Friulian village of Tarcento, who herself saw the bloody events she described: the departure of local residents to the partisans, raids and executions. The diary she kept in 1943–1945 became a fundamental help. Unique is Leonard Zanier's story "Carnia, Kozakenland, Kazackaja zemlja", written in the Friulan dialect (published in Udine in 1994–1995 by Mittelcultrura). Its author was 9 years old when he saw Cossacks and Caucasians in his native land: fear of aliens was mixed with childhood delight in the exotic appearance and bravado of horsemen. The short story by Claudio Calandra, “Goodbye,” is elegantly written. Sunflowers of Boria" (Do svidania. I girasoli di Boria, 1994). Its heroes are two boys, the Italian Claudio (the author himself) and the Cossack boy Borya, who became friends against the dramatic backdrop of the Cossack occupation. Kaza- 26 The result, however, was unsatisfactory: in the book, which has more than 650 pages, only about fifty are devoted to the Italian period of the ataman’s biography, not without inaccuracies. The author’s main merit is the first presentation in Italy of the combat, during the First World War, the Civil War, and the emigrant periods of Krasnov’s life. 27 The author subsequently returned to the Cossack theme; see: Sibille-Sizia B. Un pugno di vento [A handful of wind]. Udine, 1992. Italian testimonies about the Cossack camp 271 chonok dies at the end of the story, and a sunflower grows on his grave - according to the Cossack legend, as the writer reports, sunflowers grow on the graves of the righteous. In the mid-1980s. A sad episode during the Second World War unexpectedly attracted the attention of two major masters of Italian culture. In 1984, the magazine “Rivista Milanese di Economia” provided its pages to the outstanding Germanist from Trieste, Professor Claudio Magris and his story “Reflections on a Checker” (Illazioni su una sciabola). Subsequently, the story was published (and repeatedly) as a separate book and translated into dozens of languages. A little later, namely at the beginning of 1985, the Milanese publishing house Mondadori released Carlo Sgorlon’s novel “The Army of Lost Rivers” (L’armata dei fiumi perduti) onto the Italian book market, which won the prestigious Strega literary prize that same year. Both of these publications represent high examples of Italian literature, having a completely different, humanistic vision of the tragedy of the Cossacks - in contrast to most of the works mentioned above, which are not distinguished by high artistry and with a tendentious, “biased” approach. A short story or, more precisely, a big story by Magris takes the form of a monologue. The hero-narrator, the elderly priest Don Guido, who lives in a home for elderly clergy in Trieste, writes his memoirs about the Cossacks’ stay in Carnia at the request of the bishop who completes the diocesan archive, and shares his thoughts with his friend, the priest Don Mario. The text is organized as a large message, opening with the words “Dearest Don Mario.” According to the author, Don Guido, in the fall of 1944, carried out a delicate assignment from his superiors, going to the Cossack village to convince them to be merciful towards the unfortunate civilian population, and now he recalled the old days.... Most likely, the writer Magris had access to the diary Don Graziano Boria, quoted extensively above, since many of the details are exactly the same. In the town of Villa di Verzenis, Don Guido meets with Ataman Krasnov (remember that the only local priest who met with Krasnov was Don Graziano). The priest recalls the circumstances of the “tragic and grotesque occupation of Carnia by the Cossacks, allies of the Germans, whom these Germans forced to perform insignificant tasks, seducing them with impossible promises and making them their accomplices and victims, the persecutors of other victims.” The hero of the book is trying to solve the mystery of Krasnov’s death, because the ataman’s parabola of life “could decipher – from the opposite – the parabola of life” of Don Guido himself. He was especially interested in the legend that arose in Friuli that the famous chieftain fell victim to a partisan attack on May 2, 1945, which could not possibly have happened: on May 27, 1945, Krasnov surrendered his saber to British officers, and on January 17, 1947 he was executed in Russia. In fact, the dead man turned out to be Major General Fyodor Dyakonov, who was later reburied at the German military cemetery in Kostermano. Don Guido describes the last months of Krasnov’s stay in Italy (at the same time, the author shows knowledge of the books written by Krasnov in Paris in the 1920–1930s). The old chieftain in Magris’s book almost takes on the features of a hero of an ancient Greek tragedy: a man of high culture and honor, he is aware of his fate, but does not try to evade it and fearlessly goes towards death. Magris's story, warmly received by both the public and critics, was staged on the stage of the Friulian town of Cividale during the Mittelfest festival; Projects to film it have arisen more than once, but so far nothing has come to fruition. Strangely, with a number of books by Magris translated into Russian, this “Russian” story of his has not yet found its translator. The Cossack “odyssey” acquired real epic proportions from the novelist Carlo Sgorlon. His “army of lost rivers” is the army of the distant Don, Kuban, Terek, comparable to “a herd that has lost its pastures, its rivers and has gone after the mirage of other pastures, other rivers.” The writer presents the Cossacks through the eyes of the Friulan peasants, who saw from their windows “the latest novelty of the war, the strangest of all that have happened before.” According to Sgorlon, the Cossacks, overcome by melancholy and nostalgia, “felt abandoned, alone in a foreign country - just like the Alpine shooters in Russia - among a population that hated them. At the same time, after long wanderings around Russia and Europe, they tried to convince themselves that they had finally arrived at a place where they could settle for a longer period.” The action of the novel develops around Martha, a servant of a rich Jewish lady who was sent to a concentration camp. Martha is left alone in a large villa, where a group of Cossacks moves in: the elderly White Guard general Gavrila, the Cossack Urvan and the old Cossack woman Dunayka with her son Girey and grandson Luka. Giray is overcome by an unrequited passion for the peasant girl Alda, who then dies at his hand. From that moment on, the peasants saw the Cossacks only as hated occupiers. The love story between Urvan and the main character also ends sadly: the Cossack leaves for Austria, and Martha’s head is shaved by the partisans for “collaboration.” The novel is built on the conflict between the images of the “promised land” and the “lost land.” Carnia, the ephemeral Kozakenland, the Cossack land, is just a short stage on the way to an unknown goal. Cossacks, having lost their own roots, express their warlike and unbridled disposition during skirmishes with partisans. Ataman Krasnov also searches and does not find his homeland, having arranged housing in the “stanitsa” in the traditional Cossack style. As a result, the Cossacks die - but, according to Sgorlon, not because they betrayed the Russian (Soviet) state, but because they betrayed their native villages by going to a foreign land. In general, in Italy, both historical literature and fiction reflected an ambivalent attitude towards the Cossack invasion: yes, they came to the Apennines along with the aggressor and contributed to it, but they themselves were victims of political repression in their homeland and false promises from the new German owners. The heart-sick Italians could not help but be touched by the fact that a whole people (albeit armed) moved here - with children and old people, peasant belongings, livestock, with rich religious, military, musical and other traditions. Only this can explain the appearance of a memorial plaque on the house in Verzenis, where General Krasnov lived. There are no other similar memorial plaques in Italy and there cannot be.