What ideas and demands were defended by the participants. Question: What ideas and demands were defended by participants in European revolutions? Further progress of the movement
What ideas did the participants in European revolutions defend and what demands did they put forward? To what extent have they been implemented?
Answers:
Participants in European revolutions defended the ideas of enlightenment: a constitutional structure, limiting the power of the monarch, the transition from a monarchical form to a republican one, separation of powers, guarantee of civil rights and freedoms.
Participants in European revolutions defended the ideas of enlightenment: a constitutional structure, limiting the power of the monarch, the transition from a monarchical form to a republican one, separation of powers, guarantee of civil rights and freedoms. Nowhere did the revolutionary forces fully achieve their goals. Monarchies either survived or, as in France, were restored. But the defeat of the revolutions did not mean the restoration of the previous order. After 1848, Europe became different. Most states introduced constitutions that recognized the political rights of citizens. In many countries, feudal remnants were eliminated. The bourgeoisie began to play an increasingly important role in politics and economics. Defending economic and political freedoms, she sought to establish stable regimes. The main opponent of the emerging bourgeois order was the working class, which at that time was experiencing the negative social consequences of the industrial revolution.
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Russian liberalism of the mid-50s - early 60s.
The social atmosphere of the mid-19th century was such that conservatives, liberals, and some revolutionaries advocated the abolition serfdom, softening the political regime and pinned hopes on the new emperor. But each of these forces expected from the authorities such actions that would correspond to their own ideas about reforms. And when these ideas and the real steps of the government did not coincide, representatives of social forces tried to influence the ruling circles.
At the beginning of the reign of Alexander II, the first attempts were made to create program documents and unite all liberal forces. In the mid-50s. prominent Western liberals K. D. Kavelin and B. N. Chicherin established connections with A. I. Herzen. In Voices from Russia they published a “Letter to the Publisher,” which became the first printed programmatic document of Russian liberalism.
The main provisions of this programs were:
Freedom of conscience;
- freedom from serfdom;
- freedom of expression of public opinion;
- freedom of printing;
- freedom of teaching;
- publicity of all government actions;
- publicity and openness of the court.
There was only no demand for the introduction of a constitution in Russia.
Alexander II, having begun to develop peasant and other reforms, actually began to implement the liberals’ program. Therefore, representatives of this movement began to support the government. A major success for the proponents of reform was the inclusion in the late 50s. many liberal figures to the Editorial Committees.
In addition, many liberals believed that conditions in Russia were not yet ripe for the introduction of a constitution. And even if this were announced, they believed, it would either remain only on paper or would strengthen the influence of conservatives, since the majority of seats in parliament would inevitably be taken by the nobles, and this could lead to the curtailment of liberal reforms.
But this did not mean that Russian liberals abandoned the idea of adopting a constitution and introducing popular representation. They believed that the country needed to be prepared for this step: to carry out public administration reforms, improve local self-government, develop the economy, raise the material and cultural standard of living of the people, i.e. create the foundations of civil society.
Significant assistance in carrying out these tasks was provided by the influential the magazine “Russian Bulletin”, created in 1856 by M. N. Katkov. Its pages advocated the need for the abolition of serfdom and the allotment of peasants land, the introduction of an independent court and local government. As a necessary condition for implementing reforms, the magazine put forward the principle of gradual transformation and opposed the revolutionary path of development of the country.
Founded in 1856 organ of Slavophiles “Russian Conversation”, the editor-publisher of which was A.I. Koshelev. The magazine paid special attention to national problems, clarifying the role and significance of “nationality” (Russian identity) in various spheres of society. And although the eyes of the Slavophiles were turned to pre-Petrine Russia, the role models they drew from that time were imbued with a liberal spirit. Recognizing Orthodoxy, autocracy and the peasant community as the original, necessary foundations of Russian life, they did not allow any interference by state power in private life and in communal life, in religious matters they demanded complete freedom of conscience, and advocated freedom of speech. The political system for which the Slavophiles stood up fit into the formula of K. S. Aksakov, contained in his note to Alexander II: the power of power should belong to the tsar, but the power of opinion should belong to the people.
Liberal ideas were also heard on the pages of “Notes of the Fatherland” by A. A. Kraevsky, “Library for Reading” by A. V. Druzhinin and a number of other publications.
The main activity of liberals of all directions in the late 50s. began work in the noble provincial committees to develop the conditions for peasant reform. At committee meetings, in open disputes with opponents of reforms, they acquired the skills of political struggle and the ability to defend their views. It was then that the most radical version of the liberal program took shape. It differed in many ways from the demands of Kavelin, Chicherin, and Katkov.
The Tver province became the center for the creation of such a program. In 1857, the author of the liberal project for the abolition of serfdom, A. M. Unkovsky, was elected leader of the local nobility. He managed to captivate the majority of the Tver Committee with his ideas. At the end of 1859, Unkovsky was exiled to Vyatka because the nobility of the province protested against the ban on discussing the peasant issue in the press. Subsequently, Unkovsky continued his activities in the Tver province.
Zemstvo movement of the late 70s.
A new rise in the liberal movement occurred in the late 70s and early 80s. At this time, the young generation of zemstvo leaders overcame the admiration of their predecessors for the state, which had taken the path of reform. Zemstvos actively submitted liberal addresses demanding the expansion of their rights, the creation of central representative institutions, the introduction of civil liberties, etc.
Not finding understanding from the authorities, some radical representatives of zemstvos (I. I. Petrunkevich, D. I. Shakhovskoy, F. I. Rodichev, P. D. Dolgorukov, etc.) drew attention to the “revolutionary capabilities of the masses” and took on weapons and illegal methods of struggle. In December 1878, at the suggestion of I. I. Petrunkevich, an attempt was made to conclude a kind of agreement with revolutionary organizations. The basis for such an agreement could be the agreement of the revolutionaries to “temporarily suspend all terrorist acts” in exchange for the obligation of the zemstvo members to “raise an open protest against the government’s internal policy in broad public circles and, above all, in the zemstvo assemblies. However, the agreement did not take place.
More successful was the attempt to unite the liberal forces themselves in order to organize public pressure on the government. In April 1879, a secret congress of zemstvo leaders in Moscow decided to organize speeches at zemstvo assemblies demanding political reforms. In the same year, Zemstvo residents tried to organize the illegal publication of literature.
Hopes for the return of trust between zemstvo liberals and the government appeared after coming to power M. T. Loris-Melikova. He not only proclaimed a course for cooperation between government and society, but also began to put it into practice. However, after the death of Alexander II, the chance for liberals to cooperate with the government was lost.
Liberalism did not become the leading political force in the country. His support in society was very weak - the intelligentsia and a small part of the nobility.
The development of liberalism in Russia was hampered by illiteracy and communal forms of life for the bulk of the population. The major mistake of the liberals was that at the time of the abolition of serfdom they did not seek the destruction of the community. In addition, the liberals failed to overcome the disunity of their ranks, develop a common program and achieve unity of action.
Conservatives.
Opponents of significant changes in the life of society found themselves in a difficult position: defending the old in the late 50s - early 60s. no one dared. Therefore, the main aspirations of the conservatives were attempts to protect the imperial power from the influence of liberal officials and, if possible, to prevent reforms from infringing on the interests of the nobility. Conservative activism had some success. The main developers of the peasant reform were gradually removed from the government. Alexander II hoped that such a step would lead to reconciliation of the classes and soften the indignation of the nobles. Subsequently, the position of the conservatives became even stronger. Count P. A. Shuvalov, an opponent of the abolition of serfdom and other reforms, became the largest figure in the conservative movement. In 1866, he was appointed chief of gendarmes and chief commander of the III department. Taking advantage of the unstable state of Alexander II, caused by attempts on his life, Shuvalov established complete control over the emperor, concentrating enormous power in his hands, for which he received the nickname Peter IV. At the instigation of Shuvalov, until 1874, the removal and appointment of ministers and other senior officials took place. The ideologist and inspirer of the conservative course was a man very far from the royal court - publicist and publisher, formerly a prominent liberal M. N. Katkov.
Through what main measures was P.A.’s agrarian reform carried out? Stolypin?
What are the features of Russian parliamentarism at the beginning of the 20th century?
What issues were the most important in the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907?
A) agrarian, the introduction of popular representation;
B) the end of the Russo-Japanese War, multi-party system;
B) transfer of power into the hands of the Bolsheviks
A) equal, direct elections, representation of all segments of the population in the Duma;
B) The State Duma was given priority rights in resolving important state issues;
C) the predominance of representatives of the ruling classes in the Duma, limited powers of the Duma
A) the transformation of peasant plots into the personal property of the owners, the separation of the wealthy part of the peasant bourgeoisie;
B) resettlement policy and land development in Siberia;
C) increasing the productivity of landowners' farms by providing them with agricultural machinery and preferential loans
5. The reason for the difficulties in carrying out the Stolypin agrarian reform:
A) resistance from the patriarchal-minded part of the peasantry
B) massive peasant uprisings against reformers
B) Lack of reform legislation
D) Termination of reform after the murder of P.A. Stolypin
6. In the Socialist Revolutionary program on the agrarian issue, the idea was defended:
A) liquidation of the community B) creation of collective farms
C) nationalization D) socialization
7. Name the leaders of the liberal-monarchist bourgeoisie:
A) P.N. Milyukov, V.D. Nabokov, P.B. Struve, A.I. Shingarev;
B) A.I. Guchkov, A.I., Konovalov, M.V. Rodzianko;
B) B.D. Kamkov, A.F. Kerensky, A.L. Kollegaev, M.A. Spiridonova
A) provide workers with freedom of speech, assembly, strikes, and unions, but maintain property qualifications during elections;
B) provide workers with freedom of speech, assembly, strikes, unions, and introduce an 8-hour working day;
C) introduce an 8-hour working day, establish worker control over the production and distribution of products.
9. What is the main meaning of the June 3rd coup d’etat:
A) in providing the bourgeoisie and landowners with an overwhelming majority in the Duma by changing the electoral law;
B) in the government’s desire to resolve the contradictions between the local nobility and the bourgeoisie through a change of power;
C) the intention of the ruling circles to accuse the Social Democrats of a military conspiracy
10. The reason for Russia's participation in the First World War:
A) Russia’s desire to confiscate German property in the Russian Empire
B) the desire of Germany in Austria-Hungary to annex Ukraine
B) the coming to power in Serbia of a pro-Austrian government
D) Trade and economic disagreements with Germany
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