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Today I will help you repeat the period of the reign of Alexander III and write a high-quality historical portrait with a maximum score.

Alexander the Third - historical portrait;

Dates of reign: 1881-1894

Traditionally, we begin to characterize the activities of the emperor with a description of the state situation in which his accession to the throne took place, since the results of the reign of the previous sovereign are directly related to the first actions of the subsequent one.

His father, Alexander Nikolaevich, went down in history under the name of the Liberator, because under him serfdom was abolished. But this reform was not beneficial to everyone. Many representatives of the intelligentsia did not agree with this development of the country. New secret societies emerged that put forward their various points of view and political programs, including revolution and the overthrow of the monarchy.

The revolutionary populist group “Land and Freedom” at the end of the 70s chose the path of disorganizing power and physically eliminating the political elite, and announced a real hunt for Alexander II. Seven terrorist attempts were made on the emperor, the last of which was successful. On March 1, 1881, the emperor intended to approve Loris-Melikov’s draft constitution, but on Ekaterininskaya Embankment he was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by one of the Narodnaya Volya members.

It is not difficult to imagine how much the feelings of the heir to the throne were hurt at the time of the emperor's death. Firstly, members of the secret society killed his own father, and secondly, they killed the Father of Russia, the emperor himself.

All these events, according to many historians, are the reason for the counter-reforms of Alexander the Third, with which his state activities began.

Domestic policy

Counter-reforms

If the reforms of Alexander the Second gave freedom to peasants, local government, universities, and so on, then the counter-reforms were aimed at eliminating or limiting it

1. The fight against liberal sentiments

Loris-Melikov’s constitutional project was rejected, and instead, in 1881, the manifesto “On the Inviolability of Autocracy” was promulgated.

1. Limitation of the function of zemstvos

Since 1889, the rural administration has been subordinate to the zemstvo chiefs. This practically eliminated the freedom of zemstvos in self-government, since zemstvo leaders, appointed from among the hereditary nobles, had complete control over the lives of the peasants. The subsequent “Regulations on provincial and district zemstvo institutions” of 1890 and the “City Regulations” of 1892 also contributed to strengthening the position of the nobles in zemstvo administration.

1. Elimination of some provisions of the judicial reform of 1864

Despite the fact that the new judicial system created by Alexander the Second was far from liberal perfection, Alexander the Third considered that too much freedom was given in this area. Therefore, in 1887 he limited the openness of the judicial process in political cases, and in 1889 he abolished the world courts.

1. Counter-reforms in education

Liberal and revolutionary sentiments in the second half of the 19th century arose mainly among the intelligentsia, and the intelligentsia, in turn, consisted of the educated class. Consequently, these sentiments, dangerous for the state, had to be destroyed in the bud. To this end, a new university charter was created in 1884, eliminating the autonomy of universities, police supervision over students was also strengthened, tuition fees were increased, and women's higher courses were closed.

The emperor's counter-reforms affected not only the sphere of higher education, but also secondary education. In 1887, a circular on “cook’s children” introduced a ban on admitting children of footmen, laundresses, small shopkeepers, etc. to the gymnasium.

Everything possible was done to limit the availability of education.

1. Introduction of restrictions in the field of printing

The “Temporary Rules on the Press” of 1882 introduced the right of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Synod to close any press organ. And “right-wing” publications received state support.

Foreign policy

Alexander the Third received a second name among the people, “Peacemaker,” since he was opposed to a bloody solution to international issues, and no serious military operations were carried out under him. Nevertheless, the international situation during his reign was not “frozen”

1. Weakening influence in the Balkans

In 1886, diplomatic relations with Bulgaria were severed, thereby strengthening the influence of Germany and Austria in the region.

1. Russian-German relations

In 1881, the “Union of Three Emperors” (Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary) was restored in Europe, but in 1887, due to the aggravation of the foreign policy issue about Bulgaria, the union collapsed. Russia had to look for new allies.

1. Union with France

At the end of the 19th century, Russia found an unexpected ally for the whole world in the person of France. In 1891-1893, the countries came together through several agreements and treaties: Political Agreement (1891), Military Convention (1892)

1. Asian politics

In 1885, Afghan troops, incited by England, started a border conflict with Russia, but the enemy was soon completely defeated by Russian troops. Afterwards, Alexander the Third did not allow the sea power to use this situation as a pretext for a big war. As a result, over the next 10 years (1885-1895), the borders of Russia and Afghanistan were established.

Under Alexander the Third, the annexation of Central Asia was completed, Russia's position in this region was strengthened through the conquest of the Turkmen tribes and the capture of Ashgabat (1881-1882).

Results of the board

Many historians call the reign of Alexander III the happiest in the history of Russia in modern times. The country experienced neither wars nor internal unrest. The development of the national economy and economic recovery proceeded smoothly and quickly. Finances were brought into balance. Russian culture was experiencing one of its best periods. Thanks to a peaceful foreign policy, the population increased. But the politician's counter-reforms had an unfavorable effect on revolutionaries and liberals. And despite all the efforts of the emperor to eliminate these internal discontents by limiting freedom, the threat of popular rebellion grew and made itself felt during the reign of his son. Foreign policy was largely successful, borders were established with Afghanistan, lands in Central Asia were secured, and rapprochement with France occurred. The main thing is that all foreign policy successes occurred without popular bloodshed.

© Anastasia Prikhodchenko 2015

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Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov - All-Russian Emperor. The people called him the Tsar the Peacemaker. Under him, Russia did not fight.

Years of life of Alexander III

Born 26.02. (10.03.) 1845 Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov had just turned 36 years old when, on March 1 (13), 1881, the Narodnaya Volya killed his father, the emperor.

Before this, Alexander Alexandrovich experienced the death of his beloved older brother, heir to the throne, Nicholas. It was this sophisticated and gifted young man who was raised as a future autocrat, and Alexander, who grew up as a strong and robust child, was prepared for military service.

However, in 1865, Nicholas suddenly died and Alexander was proclaimed heir to the throne. The new heir had to take an additional course in science.

In 1866, the famous conservative K.P. became his law teacher. Pobedonostsev, who had a great influence on the formation of the views of the future autocrat. The murder of his father strengthened Alexander’s rejection of liberal reforms, and the “Manifesto on the Inviolability of Autocracy,” which he signed in April 1881, marked a sharp transition to a conservative course.

Counter-reforms and a peaceful foreign policy contributed to the revival of the economy of the Russian Empire, the growth of industrial production, and the construction of railways began. However, the famine of 1891 revealed deep brewing socio-economic contradictions.

He died on October 20 (November 1), 1894, from kidney disease caused by a train crash. The mighty giant, saving the family and other victims, held the roof of the carriage on himself, receiving severe damage to his back and, apparently, to his kidneys.

Domestic policy of Alexander III

• The collapse of zemstvos and city self-government;
• strengthening police control;
• strengthening the peasant community;
• restoration of censorship.

Alexander III's policy towards other states was distinguished by fundamental openness and peacefulness, which was reflected in the nickname of Alexander III the Peacemaker.

Foreign policy of Alexander III

• strengthening political influence in the Balkans;
• maintaining peaceful diplomatic relations with all states;
• land development in the Far East and Central Asia.

Results of the reign of Alexander III

• strengthening of autocratic statehood;
• economic growth;
• the flourishing of Russian national culture.

Interestingly, Alexander III became the first “bearded” emperor, reviving the tradition of Orthodox kings of the pre-Petrine era.

It was strange to look at this tall, broad-shouldered thirty-six-year-old man, who seemed like some kind of huge child, scared and confused. What was happening then in this room, well known to him, was incomprehensible and wild: the doctors were incomprehensible, these strangers with their sleeves rolled up, walking around the room as if at home; It was not clear why Princess Ekaterina Mikhailovna was muttering some fragmentary French phrases in horror. And most importantly, the father was incomprehensible, who for some reason was lying on the floor and looking with still living eyes, without uttering a single word... Come on - is this the father? The bloody streak on the face changed the familiar features, and in this mutilated, legless and pitiful creature it was impossible to recognize the tall and brave old man.

It is strange that Sergei Petrovich Botkin calls this bloody body “His Majesty.”

Would you order, Your Highness, to extend His Majesty's life by an hour? This is possible if you inject camphor and more...

Is there no hope?

None, Your Majesty...

Then the Tsarevich ordered the valet Trubitsyn to remove the pillows that someone had placed from under the sovereign’s back. The wounded man's eyes stopped. He wheezed and died. The sovereign's dog, Milord, whined pitifully, crawling near the bloody body of the emperor.

We must escape from this terrible Winter Palace, where every footman, every stoker can be an agent of the mysterious and elusive Executive Committee. We must flee to Gatchina. There, Paul's palace is like a Vauban fortress. There are moats and towers. There are secret staircases leading to the royal office. There is an underground prison and a hatch. Through it you can throw a villain into the water, straight onto sharp stones, where his death awaits.

Anichkov Palace is also not reliable. But it can be secured. An underground gallery with electrical appliances will be dug around it. These sinister mole revolutionaries will die if they again decide to prepare a tunnel.

And Alexander III left for Gatchina and locked himself in it.

On March 3rd he received a letter from Konstantin Petrovich. “I cannot calm down from the terrible shock,” Pobedonostsev wrote. “Thinking about you in these moments, on the bloody threshold through which God wants to lead you into your new destiny, my whole soul trembles for you - with the fear of the unknown coming to you and to Russia , the fear of the great unspeakable burden that falls on you. Loving you as a person, I would like, as a person, to save you from the burden of a free life; but there is no human power for this, for God was so pleased. It was His holy will that you for this destiny you were born into the world and so that your beloved brother, going to him, will show you his place on earth.”

Alexander remembered how brother Nikolai died sixteen years ago. In the sixth week of Lent, in April, it became clear that the heir was not destined to live. Until then, it never occurred to Alexander that he should reign. He dreamed of a quiet and free life. And suddenly everything changed. He remembered how dear J. K. Grot, his teacher, came to him and began to console him, and he, Alexander, unexpectedly said to himself: “No, I already see that there is no hope: all the courtiers began to look after me.” . Having said this, he was horrified, for the first time imagining clearly that he would have to be a king. But he is not at all ready for the throne. He studied poorly and knows nothing. True, besides J. K. Grot, he had other teachers: he was taught a history course by S. M. Solovyov, law by K. P. Pobedonostsev, strategy by General M. I. Dragomirov. But he lazily and carelessly listened to them, not at all thinking about the Throne, about responsibility to Russia and the world.

Now it's too late to study. But you really need to know history, for example, in order to understand politics, in order to understand the meaning of this world drama, so cruel and gloomy. Well! He will have to look for people, listen to what those more experienced and knowledgeable than him say. Who to trust? Is it really Count Loris-Melikov? He remembered the Armenian nose and simple-minded eyes of this Mikhail Tarielovich, so well known to him, and a feeling of irritation and anger stirred in his heart. Didn't save my father. Simultaneously with Pobedonostsev’s letter, a note was received from Loris-Melikov: “The apartment from which on March 1 the two villains gave out the projectiles they used in the case was opened today before dawn. The owner of the apartment shot himself, the young woman who lived with him was arrested. Two projectiles were found and a proclamation regarding the last crime, herewith presented."

Alexander read the proclamation. “Two years of efforts and heavy sacrifices have been crowned with success. From now on, all of Russia can be convinced that persistent and persistent struggle is capable of breaking even the centuries-old despotism of the Romanovs. The Executive Committee considers it necessary to again publicly remind that it repeatedly warned the now deceased tyrant, repeatedly exhorted him to end their murderous arbitrariness and return Russia to its natural rights..."

Alexander did not understand this language. What's the matter? These people call the father a "tyrant". Why? Didn’t he free the peasants, reform the court, and give zemstvo self-government? What else do they want? Why are these people so impatient? Are they unhappy that the late father was in no hurry to give a constitution? They don't understand how complicated and difficult it all is. And they themselves interfered with reforms. Why did Karakozov shoot his father in 1866 or Berezovsky in Paris in 1867? For what? My father was hunted like an animal. Is it possible to think about reforms when you have to leave the palace with the Cossacks and wait for killers at every step?

Mikhail Tarielovich, however, convinced him, the Tsarevich, that it was necessary to involve zemstvo people in the discussion of state affairs. Alexander Alexandrovich believed the count that this was necessary. Here's a whole bunch of letters. Since about February last year, Mikhail Tarielovich corresponded with him, the heir, on the issue of a legislative advisory institution. And the father agreed to this. On the morning of March 1, the day of his death, he signed the “constitution.” From the point of view of these revolutionaries, the Loris-Melikov reform may not yet be a “constitution.” But you can’t do everything at once. He, Alexander Alexandrovich, knows history poorly, but these bomb throwers seem to know it worse than he does. What kind of “natural rights” of Russia is the author of this childish proclamation talking about? If he had listened to Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev’s lectures on “law” or S. M. Solovyov’s arguments about history, then he probably would not have written his proclamation so cheekily.

However, all this is controversial and difficult, but one thing is clear: my father was torn to pieces by a bomb, that he will never smile or joke again, as he smiled and joked. Now I would like to forget about state affairs, not accept anyone, lock myself here in Gatchina, remember my childhood, youth, relationship with my father... I would like to forget all the grievances, my father’s abusive relationships with different women and this affair with the stupid Princess Dolgoruka, which lasted sixteen years... But You cannot think about your private family even in this hour of loss. What to do? Is it really possible to publish the “constitution” signed by my father? A year ago, the Tsarevich, and now the All-Russian Emperor, Alexander III, having learned that his father had approved Loris-Melikov’s liberal program, wrote to the minister: “Glory to God! I cannot express how glad I am that the Emperor so graciously and with such confidence accepted your note, dear Mikhail Tarielovich. With great pleasure and joy I read all the notes of the sovereign; now you can confidently go forward and calmly and persistently carry out your program for the happiness of your dear homeland and for the misfortune of the gentlemen ministers, who will probably be greatly offended by this program and the decision of the sovereign ", - God be with them! Congratulations from the bottom of my heart, and may God grant you a good start to lead you further and further and that the sovereign will continue to show you the same trust."

This was written on April 12, 1880, and weeks and months passed, and the matter did not move forward, because the well-intentioned Mikhail Tarielovich had to repeatedly report to the Tsar and the heir about arrests and assassination attempts, about intelligence information, about security - and all this prevented him from acting, and Loris-Melikov did not dare to present the final draft of his “constitution.”

“The cause of the nihilists,” he wrote to the heir on July 31, 1880, “is in the same position as it was during your Highness’s recent stay in Tsarskoe. Active actions, with the exception of one case, although not manifested, but this very lull prompts us to intensify supervision. Recently, four very important arrests have been made in St. Petersburg. One of the detainees is the daughter of the retired guard captain Durnovo... In the papers seized from Durnovo there is an indication of the printing press sent with her... The charter of the federal society "Land and Freedom" was found with her ... The second arrestee, Zakharchenko, was taken from Liteiny, together with his common-law wife, the Jewish Rubanchik. Zakharchenko has already confessed that he worked in a tunnel...", etc., etc.

All these messages poured in as if from a cornucopia, and Mikhail Tarielovich did not dare to resume the conversation with the tsar about calling zemstvo leaders to participate in state affairs.

Meanwhile, “Narodnaya Volya” leaflets were distributed everywhere. “I decide to forward one copy of the leaflet to your highness, despite the fact that the entire second half of it is devoted to the most obscene mockery of me. I don’t know whether it has come to the attention of your highness that Goldenberg hanged himself in the his cell in the Peter and Paul Fortress, leaving extensive notes about the reasons that prompted him to commit suicide. The whole last week is remarkable in that, regardless of Goldenberg, there were three attempted suicides in the Peter and Paul Fortress and in the pre-trial detention center. Student Bronevsky hanged himself with a sheet, but was removed at the very beginning of the attempt. Khishchinsky was poisoned with a solution of phosphorus and was brought to his senses by timely medical aid, and finally, Malinovskaya, sentenced to hard labor, tried to take her own life twice, but was warned in time. I touched on these phenomena, as they lead to to the unfortunate conclusion that it is not only difficult, but also impossible to count on the healing of people infected with social ideas. Their fanaticism surpasses all belief; the false teachings with which they are imbued have been elevated to beliefs capable of leading them to complete self-sacrifice and even to a kind of martyrdom.”

So, the enemy is irreconcilable. And if Mikhail Tarielovich is right and the revolutionaries are really ready for anything, even martyrdom, then what concessions can calm and satisfy these people? Isn’t it obvious that the nihilists dream of something more serious and final than inviting zemstvo leaders to St. Petersburg meetings? Mikhail Tarielovich's "Constitution" will seem to them, perhaps, a pathetic sop, and it will serve as a reason for them to make new speeches. Shouldn’t we first destroy these enemies of order and legality, and then think about popular representation? Loris-Melikov, of course, is a respectable, intelligent and well-intentioned person, but he seems to look somewhat down on him, the Tsarevich. Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev is no more stupid than Loris-Melikov, and as for education, it is difficult for Mikhail Tarielovich to compete with him, and yet this old teacher Alexander Alexandrovich not only does not have arrogance, but even feels the respect of a loyal subject. You can rely on Konstantin Petrovich. This one won't give out. And he, it seems, does not sympathize with Loris-Melikov’s plans.

And then the terrible March 1st came. Three days later, Loris-Melikov wrote to the emperor: “Today at two o’clock in the afternoon on Malaya Sadovaya a tunnel was opened from the house of Count Menden from a cheese shop. It is assumed that a battery has already been installed in the tunnel. The inspection by experts will begin. So far it has been discovered that the excavated earth was hidden in a Turkish sofa and barrels. This shop was inspected by the police until February 19 due to the suspicions that the shop owner, peasant Kobozev and his wife, who had recently arrived in the capital, aroused upon themselves; but during the inspection nothing was discovered at that time."

How is it “not detected”? No, it’s bad, it means they were protecting the person of the sovereign! But, in essence, Count Mikhail Tarielovich should be responsible for this...

On March 6, Alexander Alexandrovich received a long letter from Pobedonostsev. “I am tormented by anxiety,” he wrote. “I myself do not dare to come to you, so as not to disturb you, for you have risen to great heights. ... The hour is terrible, and time is pressing. Either save Russia and yourself now, or never! sing the old siren songs about the need to calm down, the need to continue in the liberal direction, the need to give in to so-called public opinion - oh, for God's sake, don't believe it, Your Majesty, don't listen. This will be the death of Russia and yours, that's clear to me "As daylight. Your safety will not be protected by this, but will even decrease. The insane villains who destroyed your parent will not be satisfied with any concession and will only become furious. They can be appeased, the evil seed can be torn out only by fighting them to the stomach and to death, with iron and blood." . It was scary to read such a letter. Around the throne, it turns out, there are only “flabby eunuchs...”. “The latest story about the mine infuriates the people...” The people seem to see this as treason. He demands that the guilty be expelled... The traitors must be driven out. And above all, Count Loris-Melikov. "He's a magician and can also play doubles."

Meanwhile, a meeting of the Council of Ministers was scheduled for March 8 at two o'clock in the afternoon. At this meeting the fate of Loris-Melikov’s “constitution” was to be decided. At the indicated hour, the ministers and some invitees gathered in the malachite room of the Winter Palace. At exactly two o'clock Alexander III came out and, standing at the door, shook hands with everyone as the Council members passed him into the meeting room. There were twenty-five chairs around a table covered with crimson cloth. Only one of them was empty: Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich did not come to the meeting... While still heir, Alexander Alexandrovich wrote about this to his uncle Loris-Melikov: “If Nikolai Nikolaevich were not simply stupid, I would directly call him a scoundrel.” They had their own scores to settle, as you know. In the middle of the table, with his back to the windows facing the Neva, the king sat down. Loris-Melikov was placed opposite him.

The meeting has begun. Alexander Alexandrovich, as if somewhat embarrassed and awkwardly turning his huge and heavy body in a cramped chair for him, announced that those present had gathered to discuss one issue of the highest importance. “Count Loris-Melikov,” he said, reported to the late sovereign about the need to convene representatives from the zemstvos and cities. This idea, in general terms, was approved by my late father... However, the question should not be considered a foregone conclusion, since the late father wanted to convene before the final approval of the project for consideration by the Council of Ministers."

Then the tsar invited Loris-Melikov to read his note. It was compiled before March 1, and in the place where the successes achieved by the conciliatory policy in relation to society were spoken of, the tsar interrupted the reading.

It seems we were mistaken,” he said and blushed deeply, meeting the lynx gaze of Pobedonostsev, who was sitting next to Loris-Melikov.

After the memo, the first to speak was the almost ninety-year-old Count Stroganov. Mumbling and sputtering, he said that if the Minister of Internal Affairs’s project passes, power will end up in the hands of “various scoundrels who do not think about the common good, but only about their own personal benefit... The path proposed by the minister leads straight to the constitution, which I do not want either for the sovereign or for Russia...”

Turning in his chair so that it began to crack, Alexander Alexandrovich said gloomily:

I also fear that this is the first step towards a constitution.

Count Valuev spoke second. He tried to explain that Loris-Melikov’s draft was very far from the real constitution and that it should be adopted without delay, thereby satisfying the fair demands of society.

Then Milyutin spoke. In his opinion, the proposed measure is absolutely necessary. Karakozov's unfortunate shot interfered with the cause of reform, and the discord between the government and society is too dangerous. It is necessary to express attention and trust to society by inviting deputies to a state meeting. News of the proposed new measures also spread abroad...

Then Alexander Alexandrovich interrupted the minister: “Yes, but Emperor Wilhelm, who had heard a rumor that the priest wanted to give Russia a constitution, begged him in a handwritten letter not to do this...

In vain Milyutin, continuing his speech, tried to prove that there was not even a shadow of a constitution in the draft; the tsar looked at him with distrustful, incomprehensible eyes.

Postal Minister Makov spoke. This one did not skimp on such loyal exclamations that even Alexander Alexandrovich himself shook his head, as if his tie was strangling him.

Finance Minister Abaza, irritated by Makov’s lackeyness, supported the Loris-Melikov project, not without fervor, assuring the tsar that the autocracy would remain unshakable, no matter what.

Then Loris-Melikov spoke. He understands very well how difficult it is to meet the wishes of society in days of such trials and turmoil, but there is no other way out. He, Loris-Melikov, recognizes his guilt before Russia, because he did not save the sovereign, but, God knows, he served him with all his soul and with all his might. OR asked for his resignation, but His Majesty did not want to dismiss him, Loris-Melikov...

Alexander nodded his head:

I knew that you, Mikhail Tarielovich, did everything you could.

Now it’s Pobedonostsev’s turn. He was white as a sheet. With bloodless lips, choking with excitement, he pronounced a speech like an incantation. He's desperate. Once upon a time, Polish patriots shouted about the death of their homeland - “Finis Poloniae!” Now, it seems, we Russians have to shout - “Finis Russiae!” - "The end of Russia!" The minister's project breathes falsehood. It is obvious that they want to introduce a constitution without uttering a terrible word. Why will deputies express the real opinion of the country? Why? All this is lies and deception...

Yes,” said the sovereign, “I think the same.” In Denmark, ministers told me that the deputies sitting in the chamber cannot be considered the spokesmen of the real needs of the people.

Pobedonostsev drank a glass of water and continued:

They offer us to set up a talking shop like the French "Etats generaux". But we already have too many of these talking rooms - zemstvo, city, judicial... Everyone is chatting, and no one is working. They want to set up an all-Russian supreme talking shop. And now, when on the other side of the Neva, just a stone’s throw from here, lies in the Peter and Paul Cathedral the still unburied ashes of the benevolent Tsar, who was torn to pieces by the Russian people in broad daylight, we decide to talk about limiting autocracy! We must now not talk about the constitution, but publicly repent that we failed to protect the righteous. We all bear the stigma of indelible shame...

Alexander Alexandrovich's eyes were swollen, and he muttered:

The absolute truth. We are all to blame. I'm the first to blame myself.

Pobedonostsev fell silent. Abaza spoke:

Konstantin Petrovich's speech is a gloomy indictment against the reign of the late emperor. Is this fair? Regicide is not at all the fruit of liberal politics, as Konstantin Petrovich thinks. Terror is the disease of the century, and the government of Alexander II is not to blame for this. Didn’t they recently shoot at the German Emperor, didn’t they attempt to kill the King of Italy and other sovereigns? Wasn't there an attempt to blow up the Lord Mayor's office in London the other day?

After Abaza, D. M. Solsky, K. P. Posyet, Prince S. I. Urusov, A. A. Saburov, D. N. Nabokov, Prince P. G. Oldenburg, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich spoke , but the matter was decided. The project was submitted to the commission. Pobedonostsev buried the constitution. Loris-Melikov's song was sung.

II

Alexander Alexandrovich left for Gatchina. It was not fun living here. Almost every day notes arrived from Loris-Melikov with messages about interrogations of those arrested, about new arrests, about new alleged assassinations and conspiracies... And then there was the trouble with Princess Yuryevskaya, who was pestering her with money, with buying some kind of house for her. And then again arrests and again warnings that you can’t leave Gatchina or, on the contrary, you need to leave there as soon as possible, but not at the appointed hour, but at another, in order to deceive some bomb throwers who seemed to be everywhere to the gendarmes who had lost head.

On March 11, Pobedonostsev’s letter arrived. “Precisely on these days,” he wrote, “there is no precaution that is unnecessary for you. For God’s sake, take into account the following: 1) When you are going to bed, please lock the door behind you - not only in the bedroom, but in all the following rooms, up to the entrance. A trusted person should carefully watch the locks and ensure that the internal latches on the swing doors are closed. 2) Be sure to observe every evening, before going to bed, whether the bell conductors are intact. They can easily be cut. 3) Observe every evening, inspecting under the furniture, is everything in order. 4) One of your adjutants should have spent the night close to you, in the same rooms. 5) Are all the people working under your majesty reliable? If anyone was even a little doubtful, you can find an excuse to delete it..."

And so on. These tiresome, loyal warnings made one feel sick and ashamed, but one actually had to lock the doors, fearing an unknown enemy, and look suspiciously at the lackeys, who were also embarrassed and turned away, realizing that the sovereign did not believe them. All this was very painful and difficult.

During these days, Alexander Alexandrovich’s whole life passed before him. This is how you remember your youth, your youth, everything that happened before, when you are sitting in solitary confinement and don’t know the future. At night, Alexander Alexandrovich slept poorly. He tossed and turned on his bed, which was cracking under the emperor’s heavy body. Sometimes it became unbearable, and the king lowered his huge bare feet to the floor, sat down on the bed, and for some reason the bed stood against a wall with a vault, and he had to bend down so as not to break his head: just like in prison. But Alexander Alexandrovich liked that the room was cramped. He did not like spacious rooms, he was uncomfortable in large halls, he was afraid of space. There was a lot of furniture in the room, and there was nowhere to turn. The washbasin stood next to the bookshelf, and it was inconvenient to wash, but the king became angry when the valet wanted to remove the extra chairs.

On sleepless nights, the past was remembered. Before it was easier and more pleasant to live, but then he wasn’t! king, - but even in those days there were a lot of sorrows, but sometimes some little things and stupid things were remembered.

For example, for some reason I remembered a trip to Moscow in 1861, when he was sixteen years old and did not think about the kingdom. He and his brother Vladimir were taken in a carriage to Vorobyovy Gory; there they were surrounded by young traders with cherries; Volodya joked very nicely with them, and he, Sasha, was embarrassed and shy, although he also wanted to chat with these pretty, laughing girls, who were not at all like the girls he saw in the palaces. Volodya then made fun of him. The family called Sasha either “pug” or “bull”.

Then I remembered this terrible year of 1865, when brother Nikolai died in Nice and he, Sasha, became the heir to the throne. The next year in June I had to go to Fredensborg. The Danish princess Dagmara, his late brother's fiancée, was now his fiancée. At first he was shy of King Christian and his daughter, just like five years ago the cherry traders on the Sparrow Hills, but then he got used to it, and he even liked this family, modest and bourgeois, where everyone was prudent and did not waste money, as in St. Petersburg. After the wedding with Dagmara, who, having converted to Orthodoxy, became Maria Fedorovna, he settled in the Anichkova palace, and it would be possible to live a calm and peaceful life. But the capital of the Russian Empire is not like provincial Fredensborg. Some kind of creepy, disturbing and secret life was felt behind the magnificent scenery of St. Petersburg. After the Karakozov shot on April 4, 1860, everything seemed fragile and ominous. Katkov hinted in his newspaper that Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich was involved in the Karakozov case.

But there were also pleasant memories. For example, how good it was on spring days in Tsarskoe Selo, when Count Olsufiev, General Polovtsov, Prince of Oldenburg and two or three more people formed a small orchestra. Alexander Alexandrovich first played the cornet, and then, when the orchestra grew larger, he ordered himself a huge copper helicon. Having thrown off his frock coat, the heir climbed his head into the instrument, placed the trumpet on his shoulder and conscientiously blew into the brass, playing the lowest bass part. Sometimes these concerts were held in St. Petersburg, in the premises of the Maritime Museum, in the Admiralty building. The huge helikon of the crown prince hummed wildly and drowned out all the other bass. It was fun to drink tea with. rolls after these musical exercises.

I also remembered something else - gloomy and shameful. For example, in 1870, this story with a staff officer, a Swede by birth... Alexander Alexandrovich once became so angry with this Swede that he obscenely scolded him, and he was stupid enough to send a letter demanding an apology from him, the Tsarevich, and threatening suicide if there will be no apology. And what! This officer actually put a bullet in his forehead. The late sovereign, angry, ordered Alexander Alexandrovich to go for the coffin of this officer, and he had to go. And it was scary, painful and embarrassing...

And then again - pleasant things: family, children, home comfort... He then shared his feelings with Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev: “Birth is the most joyful moment of life, and it is impossible to describe it, because it is a completely special feeling that” is unlike anything else. what else."

At that time there was little need to deal with state affairs, and Alexander Alexandrovich, blushing, recalled that he was not averse to being liberal. In his father, he noticed traits of an arbitrariness and a tyrant. “Now is the time,” he wrote then, “that no one can be sure that tomorrow he will not be driven out of office... Unfortunately, in official reports they so often embellish, and sometimes simply lie, that I, I confess, always read them with disbelief..." He read the Slavophile articles of Samarin and Aksakov. In leisure hours - novels by Leskov, Melnikov and some others at the choice and advice of Pobedonostsev.

In October 1876, relations with Turkey became so tense that war seemed inevitable. Alexander Alexandrovich then wrote to Pobedonostsev about political affairs and, feeling that he was unable to understand them, so openly admitted to his mentor: “Forgive me, Konstantin Petrovich, for this awkward letter, but it serves as a reflection of my awkward mind.”

Around the same time, Pobedonostsev wrote to the Tsarevich: “You know how excited Russian society in Moscow is at this moment about political events... Everyone asked themselves whether there would be a war. And in response they hear from each other that we have nothing - no money, no leaders, no material resources, that the military forces are not ready, not supplied, not equipped; then they again ask where the incredibly huge sums spent on the army and navy went; they tell amazing, beyond all belief, stories about systematic "robbery of government money in the military, naval and various other ministries, about the indifference and inability of those in command, etc. This state of mind is very dangerous."

However, the movement in favor of Serbia is so significant that the government is obliged to take the matter of war into its own hands. And so it happened. In April, war was declared, and on June 26, 1877, Alexander Alexandrovich was already in Pavlov and took command of the Rushchuk detachment. He thought that his father would appoint him commander-in-chief of the entire army, but the king was advised against it. But they believed that this clumsy, inflexible man with a “clumsy mind” would be able to lead a responsible campaign. Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, the eldest, was appointed commander-in-chief, which Alexander Alexandrovich could never forgive him for.

Nikolai Nikolaevich instructed the crown prince to guard the road from the crossing of the Danube at Sistov to Tyrnov. And Alexander Alexandrovich obediently carried out the order, not daring to show any initiative. I had to write letters starting with the address “dear Uncle Niki” and signing “nephew Sasha who loves you.” One of the Tsarevich’s companions, Count Sergei Sheremetev, wrote in his diary: “I’m very sorry for the Tsarevich; his situation is difficult.” The Rushchuk detachment did not participate in battles often, and the days dragged on slowly and boringly. “Yesterday we lay in the hay for a long time,” Sheremetev writes in his diary, “it was a wonderful night, and a full month illuminated all the bivouacs, but such nights here only make me sad. I looked at the Tsarevich, who is sometimes sad.”

In July, changing the main apartment, we moved from Obretennik to Cherny Lom. We drove through dried-out fields, with yellowed grass, plucked corn, hummocks, and small bushes. We passed a silent Turkish cemetery with many stones without inscriptions... Then we went to Ostritsa. There the Tsarevich, who considered himself a lover of archeology, ordered the mound to be torn up and he himself took a shovel and dug for a long time, puffing, so that his back was completely wet. They found a skeleton and two copper rings.

In August there were bloody battles near Shipka for several days. On the fourteenth, news was received from the main apartment that it was ordered to bombard Rushchuk. Discussing the dispatch with Chief of Staff Vannovsky, the Tsarevich suddenly fell silent, looking off into the distance, having probably forgotten that he was also the commander of a significant military unit. One could guess that Alexander Alexandrovich was thinking about his family, about the quiet bourgeois life. I would like to play the cornet now, joke with the guys, then take a nap after a hearty simple lunch. And here everything is alarming. And even the sky now seems somehow extraordinary, magical and creepy. Someone looked at the clock and said: “It’s starting now.” And in fact, a minute later the lunar eclipse began. The moon turned into some kind of bloody, dirty spot. It was so dark that they brought lanterns and placed them on an overturned box that served as a table.

On September 8, Alexander Alexandrovich wrote to Pobedonostsev: “We didn’t think that the war would drag on so long, but we had such a successful start and everything was going so well and promising a quick and brilliant end, and suddenly this unfortunate Plevna! This nightmare of war!”

But in the end, Plevna was taken, Russian troops again crossed the Balkans, occupied Adrianople and approached Constantinople in January 1878. On February 1, the Tsarevich returned to St. Petersburg. The history of the San Stefano negotiations is known. The results of the Berlin Congress are also known.

On the twenty-fifth of June 1878, Pobedonostsev wrote to the Tsarevich: “Look how much bitterness and indignation is expressed every day, heard from everywhere, regarding the news of the peace conditions worked out at the congress.”

The memories of his father’s family life were also gloomy: the mother, abandoned and forgotten, the long string of his father’s mistresses - Dolgorukaya the First, Zamyatina, Labunskaya, Makova, Makarova and this scandalous story with Wanda Carozzi, a public St. Petersburg harlot. And an equally shameful story in Livadia with a schoolgirl, the daughter of a chamberlain. And this, finally, a long affair with the second Dolgoruky, now the most serene Princess Yuryevskaya, the morganatic wife of the late sovereign... And the last two years before the death of his father were completely like a nightmare. Confusion in society, terror of underground revolutionaries and complete powerlessness of the government... Ministers say phrases, and wag, and lie. They curry favor first with the tsar, sometimes with liberal journalists. There is only one firm and unyielding person. This is Pobedonostsev. He doesn't sleep. “I see,” he wrote, “a lot of people of every rank and title. All the local officials and learned people made my soul ache, as if in the company of crazy people or distorted monkeys. I hear from everywhere one repeated, deceitful and damned word: constitution. I’m afraid “that this word has already penetrated high and is taking root.”

Pobedonostsev convinced the Tsarevich that the people did not want a constitution. “Everywhere,” he wrote, “the following thought is ripening among the people: a Russian revolution and ugly unrest are better than a constitution... Everyone has so much faith in the current government that they don’t expect anything from it. They are waiting in extreme confusion for what else will happen, but the people are deeply convinced that the government consists of traitors who keep the weak tsar in their power... They pin all their hopes for the future on you, and everyone has a terrible question stirring in their souls: can the heir really ever come to the same thought about the constitution "?

These letters and speeches of Konstantin Petrovich hypnotized the slow and awkward mind of the Tsarevich. He was already absent-mindedly listening to Loris-Melikov’s arguments and, even agreeing with him, he felt that Pobedonostsev’s imperious voice was sounding somewhere nearby and that this voice would eventually drown out the hoarse voice of Mikhail Tarielovich, interrupted by coughing.

III

The spring of 1881 seemed gloomy and hopeless to Alexander Alexandrovich: it did not promise anything good. I wanted to quickly forget about the nightmare of March 1, but it was impossible to forget, because Loris-Melikov sends information every day about the progress of the investigation of the regicides, and willy-nilly I have to think about what to do and what to do. The murderers will be judged. It never occurred to Alexander Alexandrovich that there might be a question about the court’s decision. Of course they are guilty. Of course they must be executed! And what! There are people who doubt this. And there are those who confidently demand pardon for the villains. Dear Sergei Mikhailovich Solovyov, it turns out, has a crazy son, Vladimir. He made a public speech on March 28, proposing to the supreme power not to execute those who tore the sovereign to pieces with a bomb. And the audience did not drive him from the pulpit. On the contrary, he was given a standing ovation... What did he say? He assured that “only the spiritual power of Christ’s truth can defeat the power of evil and destruction”, that “the present difficult time gives the Russian Tsar an unprecedented opportunity to declare the power of the Christian principle of forgiveness…”. What pathetic hypocrisy! Or maybe it’s deceit! The evil Zhelyabov also spoke about Christianity at the trial. He, you see, “denies Orthodoxy,” but recognizes “the essence of the teachings of Jesus Christ.” “This essence of the doctrine,” he said, “occupies an honorable place among my moral motives. I believe in the truth and justice of this doctrine and solemnly acknowledge that faith without works is dead and that every true Christian must fight for the truth, for the rights of the oppressed and the weak, and if necessary, then suffer for them: such is my faith.” What a lie! Meanwhile, even among the ministers there are those who are not averse, it seems, to replacing the execution with prison for this imaginary Christian.

Only one is firm and adamant. This is Pobedonostsev. On March 13, he sent Alexander Alexandrovich a letter and begged him not to spare the killers. “People have become so depraved in their thoughts,” he wrote, “that others consider it possible to deliver convicted criminals from the death penalty... Can this happen? No, no, and a thousand times no - this cannot be, that in the face of the entire Russian people in such for a moment you forgave the murderers of your father, the Russian sovereign, for whose blood the whole earth (except for a few who are weakened in mind and heart) demands vengeance... If this could happen, believe me, sir, it will be considered a great sin..."

There is no hypocrisy here. Konstantin Petrovich knows what he wants. And Alexander Alexandrovich was not slow in answering: “Be calm, no one will dare come to me with such proposals, and that all six will be hanged, I guarantee that.”

Despite Pobedonostsev’s speech on March 8, the ministers still did not understand that the liberal projects had burst like soap bubbles. At the meeting on April 21, the question of the representation of zemstvo people was again raised. Now Alexander Alexandrovich did not hesitate in his assessment of this project. “Our meeting today made a sad impression on me,” he wrote to his inspirer Pobedonostsev, “Loris, Milyutin and Abaza positively continue the same policy and want to one way or another bring us to a representative government, until I am convinced that for the happiness of Russia this it is necessary, of course, this will not happen, I will not allow it. It is unlikely, however, that I will ever be convinced of the benefit of such a measure, I am too sure of its harm. It is strange to listen to smart people who can seriously talk about the representative principle in Russia, for sure memorized phrases they read from our lousy journalism and bureaucratic liberalism. I am more and more convinced that I cannot expect good from these ministers. God forbid that I am mistaken. Their words are not sincere, they breathe lies... It is difficult and difficult to deal with such people ministers who deceive themselves."

Having received this letter, Pobedonostsev probably rubbed his hands for a long time with pleasure. Finally, he achieved from his pet the intonation of a real autocrat. Now it was possible to begin decisive action. We need to stun these liberals with a manifesto. And he demanded it from Alexander Alexandrovich, covering his demand with flattering and unctuous words. The Emperor obeyed. And the manifesto was written by Konstantin Petrovich and published without the knowledge of the ministers.

“In the midst of our great sorrow,” it was said in the manifesto, among other things, “the voice of God commands us to stand vigorously in the work of government, trusting in divine providence, with faith in the power and truth of autocratic power, which we are called upon to affirm and protect for the good of the people from any attempts on her."

The manifesto was heard at the meeting of ministers. This was a complete surprise. Who wrote the manifesto? Konstantin Petrovich. He himself enthusiastically told His Majesty how, after reading the manifesto, “many turned away and did not shake hands” with him, Pobedonostsev. Loris-Melikov, Milyutin and Abaza immediately left their ministerial posts.

On April thirtieth, Alexander wrote to Loris-Melikov: “Dear Count Mikhail Tarielovich, I received your letter early this morning. I admit, I was expecting it, and it did not surprise me. Unfortunately, lately we have completely disagreed with you, and, of course, ", this could not last long. One thing that really surprises and amazes me is that your petition coincided with the day of the announcement of my manifesto for Russia, and this circumstance leads me to very sad and strange thoughts?!"

Here Alexander Alexandrovich put an exclamation mark and a question mark. This was clearly a punctuation error. There was no need to exclaim or ask about what was already clear. You could just put the most ordinary boring point. The liberal idyll is over. There was a reaction.

It seems that in the history of the Russian state there was no more boring time than these thirteen years of the reign of Emperor Alexander III. The feverish excitement of the sixties and seventies suddenly gave way to a strange sleepy indifference to everything. It seemed that all of Russia was dozing, like a big lazy woman who was tired of washing and cleaning, and so she left the room uncleaned and the pots unwashed and collapsed on the stove, giving up on everything.

This sleepy, lazy, unstoppable silence was to Alexander Alexandrovich’s liking. It was necessary to calm down the disturbed and agitated Rus' at all costs. The sovereign himself was not capable of such a task. It was necessary to speak, to enchant this violent element, but for this some kind of inner strength was needed. The bulky but loose Alexander Alexandrovich did not have such strength at all. A different person was needed. A sorcerer was needed. And such a sorcerer was found. It was Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev.

At the end of the reign of Alexander II, on Saturdays, after the all-night vigil, Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoevsky came to him for intimate conversations. They had common themes. They both hated Western bourgeois civilization. They both laughed bitterly at parliaments, at liberal journalists, at morals and people... They both pronounced certain words meaningfully, for example, “Russian people” or “Orthodoxy,” and they did not notice that, when pronouncing these words, they put different meanings into them meaning. The excited Fyodor Mikhailovich, always burning as if at the stake, did not notice that his supposedly sympathetic interlocutor was cold as ice. Even then, Konstantin Petrovich had some connections with Aksakov and with Slavophilism in general, and he did not yet dare to utter his last words, his last witchcraft spells. Dostoevsky died without knowing that his friend was worse than Gogol’s sorcerer from “A Terrible Revenge.”

But Pobedonostsev understood what forces were in Dostoevsky. He thought that Dostoevsky could be used for his own purposes. He even explained this to Alexander Alexandrovich, then still the heir, and he, having learned about the death of Fyodor Mikhailovich, wrote to his teacher that it was a pity for Dostoevsky, that he was “irreplaceable.” It is possible that they were both wrong. After all, A. S. Suvorin wrote in his diary that on the day of Mlodetsky’s assassination attempt on Loris-Melikov, Dostoevsky told him, Suvorin, that, despite his aversion to terror, he still would not have dared to warn the authorities if he had accidentally I had to find out about the planned assassination attempt. And as if he told him, Suvorin, that he dreams of writing a novel where the hero would be a monk like Alyosha Karamazov, who left the monastery and went into the revolution to seek the truth. Suvorin told about this accurately or inaccurately, it makes no difference - in any case, Pobedonostsev, if Dostoevsky had survived March 1, would have had to hear such unexpected things from his night friend that would have forced him to abandon Saturday conversations after the all-night vigil.

However, Konstantin Petrovich did not immediately decide to express his latest “Pobedonostsev” formulas. After all, just recently he gave Samarin and Aksakov to read to his sovereign student. What was needed was some kind of transition from complacent Slavophilism to real “business,” stern and hard as flint.

For the transitional time, a Slavophile minister, Ignatiev, was needed. In this first year of his reign, with his assistance, Finance Minister Bunge carried out two peasant reforms - a reduction in redemption payments and the abolition of the poll tax. All this was done very timidly and poorly, not without resistance, of course, from the noble landowners, who sensed that a holiday was coming on their street. A peasant bank was also established, which, however, gave insignificant results. There was an attempt to streamline the matter of peasant resettlement. Finally, I had to pay attention to the work issue. Despite the government's noble and landowner program, factories and factories grew, and a new class appeared in the cities - the proletariat. Strikes broke out here and there, and the government, knowing from the experience of Western Europe what these worker riots meant and where they led, tried, albeit hesitantly, to soften the clashes between employers and workers. The working hours of women and adolescents were limited; a factory inspection was established; mandatory rules were issued on the conditions of factory work... They thought that they could bypass politics by settling the social issue in a domestic, economic, family way. But without politics it was difficult for even a Slavophile minister to do anything. Ignatiev proposed to the sovereign a project for a zemstvo cathedral dedicated to the coronation. The leader of the then Slavophiles, I. S. Aksakov, once a friend of Pobedonostsev, also campaigned in this direction. This was the last attempt to “renew” Russia. This was a call to those “gray zipuns” that Pobedonostsev’s night interlocutor Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoevsky dreamed of. The “gray zipuns” were supposed to tell the king “the whole truth.” But Dostoevsky was in his grave. And in general, the black sorcerer’s hands were untied. And he rushed to the king to warn about the danger.

“After reading these papers,” Pobedonostsev wrote, “I was horrified at the mere thought of what could be explored when Count Ignatiev’s proposal was carried out... The mere appearance of such a manifesto and rescript would have caused terrible excitement and confusion throughout all of Russia ... And if the will and order are transferred from the government to any kind of people’s assembly, it will be a revolution, the death of the government and the death of Russia!”

In a letter dated May 6, Pobedonostsev convinced the Tsar that Ignatiev should be removed. And Alexander Alexandrovich, although he had once read Samarin and Aksakov, was not at all inclined to Slavophile dreaminess, drove out the immoderate zealot of zemstvo “conciliarity.”

Pobedonostsev ordered the tsar to call D. A. Tolstoy to power. This one was no dreamer. And now Pobedonostsev could engage in his divination without interference.

IV

Prince Meshchersky wrote in 1882 to his recent friend K.P. Pobedonostsev: “I’m afraid to come to you. You have become too scary, a great man...” In fact, by this time Pobedonostsev had become “terrible”, and, perhaps, in some way In that sense, he could be called a “great man.” Pobedonostsev became terrible not only for Prince Meshchersky, but also for all of Russia. Having destroyed Loris-Melikov, and then Count Ignatiev, trampling all the careless freethinkers - Westerners and Slavophiles, strangling, as he hoped, sedition, Pobedonostsev finally took possession of the soul of Alexander III.

It's time to reject the legend of this penultimate emperor. Alexander III was not a strong man, as many people think. This big fat man was not, however, a “feeble-minded monarch” or a “crowned fool,” as the loyal bureaucrat V. P. Lamzdorf calls him in his memoirs, but he was also not the insightful and intelligent sovereign that S. tries to portray him as. Yu. Witte. Alexander III was not stupid. But he had that lazy and clumsy mind, which in itself is sterile. For a regiment commander such intelligence is sufficient, but for an emperor something different is needed. Alexander III also did not have the will, did not have that inner winged force that draws a person steadily towards the intended goal. No great intelligence, no will - what a strong man he is! But there was something else in this king - the great mystery of inertia. This is not will at all. This is inertia itself. A blind and dark element, invariably gravitating towards some kind of deep sleepy world. It was as if he was saying with his whole being: I don’t want anything; I don’t need anything: I’m sleeping and will sleep; and you all don’t dream about anything, sleep like me...

The power of inertia! This was Pobedonostsev’s idea. And he - happy - found an amazing embodiment of this favorite idea of ​​his. It was impossible to find a more suitable person than Alexander Alexandrovich for these purposes. And Pobedonostsev, like a faithful nurturer, cherished this huge bearded baby, who had no independent idea. He raised him and, making sure that he was subdued, used him as he wanted. This autocrat, without noticing it, became a beast of burden onto which Pobedonostsev loaded his heavy ideological burden. The driver did not hurry his mule. The king walked slowly and dozed as he walked. His eyes were closed. He didn't need to look into the distance. The counselor, Konstantin Petrovich, saw everything for him.

There is no doubt that Pobedonostsev was the emperor’s inspiration. It is worth re-reading their enormous correspondence to make it clear how tirelessly this amazing man led the Tsar. All government measures aimed at diminishing those “freedoms” that were won under Alexander II were instilled in them, the Pobedonostsevs. He jealously watched every turn of the helm. He intervened not only in the affairs of all ministers and all departments - especially in the police department, but he monitored the behavior of the Tsar himself, the Tsarina and the Tsar's children. Some person close to Gambetta arrived in St. Petersburg and seemed to be looking for a meeting with the empress. Pobedonostsev hurries to prohibit this meeting, and the sovereign reassures him that everything turned out well - there was no meeting. And so on in all the little things.

Alexander III always agrees with Konstantin Petrovich in everything. Pobedonostsev inspired him that somehow miraculously they had exactly the same thoughts, feelings and beliefs. Alexander Alexandrovich believed. How good! Now you don't have to think about anything. He has Konstantin Petrovich, who thinks for him, the Tsar.

So, the reign program was secured. What program was it? Let us remember the “reforms” of these years. They began with the destruction of university autonomy. This gave reason for rejoicing to M. N. Katkov, Pobedonostsev’s unlucky rival. Katkov, after all, also wanted to lead the tsar. The Charter of 1884 was a "tight-wire" for both students and professors. They dealt with obstinate young men simply - they gave them up as soldiers. In high school, an imaginary classicism was inculcated. The young men translated "The Captain's Daughter" into Latin and had no idea about ancient culture. In public schools of the lowest type, transferred to the jurisdiction of the Holy Synod, it was supposed to introduce “spiritual and moral” education, but nothing good came of these official attempts to “enlighten” the people. This was the first "reform". In zemstvo life, as is known, all measures were reduced to increasing the number of vowels from the nobles and reducing peasant representation in every possible way. In the end, vowels from the peasants were appointed by the governor, of course, on the recommendation of the zemstvo commanders. The institution of zemstvo chiefs was determined, as is known, by the principles of guardianship of the same peasants by the power of noble landowners, that is, it was a clear step towards serfdom. This was the second "reform".

In the field of judicial statutes, the government limited jury trials with a number of innovations and tried in every possible way to restore the pre-reform principles of mixing administrative and judicial powers. This was the third "reform". The new censorship statute is decisive. stifled the opposition press, and during the thirteen years of his reign, society became unaccustomed to even the curtailed freedom of the era of Alexander II. This was the fourth "reform".

What was the meaning of these “reforms”? In the plans of Alexander III himself, we would search in vain for the ideology of his political program. There is nothing there. But in Pobedonostsev’s letters, and most importantly, in his famous “Moscow Collection” it is there. This is a wonderful program in its own way. Konstantin Petrovich was a very smart man. His bilious, angry and sharp mind allowed him to mercilessly criticize all the principles of so-called democracy. He ridiculed, like no one else, all the behind-the-scenes machinations of bourgeois parliamentarism, the intrigues of the stock exchange, the corruption of deputies, the falsehood of conventional eloquence, the apathy of citizens and the energy of professional political businessmen. These are all pathetic talking shops. Our zemstvos are organized according to the same parliamentary principle. It is necessary to strangle the zemstvos. Pobedonostsev mocked the jury, the randomness and unpreparedness of people's judges, the unprincipledness of lawyers, the inevitable demagogy of all participants in the public process, the impunity of other crimes that corrupt society... And he made the corresponding conclusion: it is necessary to strangle the free, public, people's court. Pobedonostsev wittily laughed at the utilitarianism of the so-called real school, venomously criticized university autonomy, and mocked the idea of ​​universal compulsory literacy. So, it is necessary to strangle the university and public education in general.

This was an excellent critique of democratic principles. But the question is, what did Pobedonostsev himself want? In his deeply melancholy and hopeless “Moscow Collection,” Pobedonostsev remains stubbornly silent about what, in fact, he proposes as a positive program. We learn it not from his book, but from the facts. No new forms of zemstvo life, courts or schools were created. There was a crude attempt to return to the class and privileged system in the localities; to the pre-reform court, corrupted by bribes and morally rotten to the core; to the installation of old policemen began in high school; to the official and dead system of teaching in secondary and lower schools... No creativity! Nothing wholesome, organic and inspired! But he, Pobedonostsev, demanded “organism”... Instead of this desired integral life, the mediocre bureaucracy of the St. Petersburg offices was established.

These were the results of Pobedonostsev’s divination. The Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod, instead of the “spiritual” principles about which he tirelessly spoke to the Tsar, instilled in the Russian people such cynical nihilism that his predecessors in this field had never dreamed of. All the beautiful words were defaced by his touch. And for a long time, the Russian people forgot how to believe in these beautiful words, remembering Pobedonostsev’s hypocrisy. A pathetic liar, speaking about the good people, he cared about the interests of the privileged... His book, written as if it was quite smooth, is devoid of any living breath. Its pages reek of death. This is some kind of gray cold crypt. There was passion in Pobedonostsev, but it was some kind of strange, cold, icy, prickly passion of hatred. Everything was dying around him. He, like a fantastic spider, spread his disastrous web throughout Russia. Even Prince Meshchersky was horrified and said that he was “terrible.”

The zealots of the old order and admirers of Pobedonostsev are proud that he was “Orthodox.” But this is also a lie. It is remarkable that Pobedonostsev knew neither the spirit of Orthodoxy nor its style. If he knew Orthodoxy, he would not have translated the popular, but sentimental and, from the Orthodox point of view, dubious book of Thomas a à Kempis; he would not dispose of bishops as if he were his lackeys; I wouldn’t have stifled the theological academies with bureaucracy, which, by the way, were instilling rationalistic German theology in our country at that time... His real sphere was not the church, but the police department. Gendarmes and provocateurs were his constant correspondents. Once a trustee of one of the educational institutions complained about a priest-teacher who, in his opinion, was “immoral and an unbeliever.” To this Pobedonostsev replied: “But he is politically reliable!” And the priest stayed.

Pobedonostsev intervened not only in all spheres of politics: he vigilantly monitored the economic and financial life of the country. He had his own opinions on every issue. The case of the elevators, for example, interests him almost more than the affairs of the church. He writes letters and notes to the king on this matter. And, of course, this is not the only case of this kind. Minister of Finance N.K. Bunge, who remained in office until January 1, 1887, repeatedly had to repel Pobedonostsev’s attacks, although often indirect and not direct, as was the case, for example, with Smirnov’s famous “note.” In the end, he had to leave, and his place was taken by professor and businessman I. A. Vyshnegradsky. Under him, the liberal measures of his predecessor were limited - primarily the range of activities of the factory inspection. The developing industry had to be supported, but it had a troubled companion - the labor movement. And Pobedonostsev followed its development with horror. Already the first stages made the Cerberus of our reaction tremble. He knew that in 1883 the Liberation of Labor group was organized, where Plekhanov, Axelrod, Zasulich, and Deitch worked. He knew about the strike of 1885 in Orekhovo-Zuevo, at the Morozov factory, and generally followed the strike wave, which died down for a short time in 1887, when the industrial crisis had passed. In 1890, he was informed about Social Democratic propaganda at the Putilov plant, in 1891 - about the first May Day rally near St. Petersburg, in 1893 - about a strike at the Khludovskaya manufactory in Yegoryevsk, Ryazan province, about riots in railway workshops in Rostov-on-Don and finally, in the last year of his reign - about strikes in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Shuya, Minsk, Vilnius, Tiflis.

That magnificent “force of inertia” that Pobedonostsev had so hoped for betrayed him. In the stuffy and inert elements, some strange movement suddenly began. He listened to the murmur of some underground waves, not understanding where they came from. And then, in search of an unknown enemy, the eyes of Pobedonostsev and Alexander III turned to the Jews. Are they not the dangerous thing that is roaming around and causing this terrible turmoil? Apparently, Alexander and his temporary worker were not alone in this opinion. Jewish pogroms took place in a huge wave throughout Russia - sometimes with the assistance of the police. The troops were reluctant to pacify the pogromists, and when General Gurko complained to the Tsar about this, Alexander Alexandrovich said: “And you know, I myself am glad when Jews are beaten.” Conspiracies still seemed to the king. And there were reasons for this. He remembered how Sudeikin was killed in the third year of his reign. The Tsar then wrote on the report: “The loss is positively irreplaceable! Who would go to such a position now!” He also recalled the arrest of Vera Figner.

The king, having learned about her arrest, then exclaimed: “Thank God! This terrible woman has been arrested!” Her portrait was delivered to him, he looked at it for a long time, not understanding how this girl, with such a quiet and meek face, could participate in bloody plans. And then this memorable May 8, 1887, when five terrorists were hanged and among them this Alexander Ulyanov, with whom his mother was so concerned about meeting him on the eve of his execution...

Some people think that Alexander III was independent in foreign policy, that Minister Gire was more likely his personal secretary than an independent leader of our diplomacy. But what did our policy at that time boil down to? She was completely passive, and if we did not suffer any damage during the thirteen years of this reign, this does not at all prove the high wisdom of Alexander III. It is very possible that if the emperor had lived until 1903, he would have had to fight the Japanese War, and its ending would probably have been the same as under Nicholas II. After all, the system was the same and the people were the same. And our uncontrollable desire for the Far East (so natural, it must be said) began under Alexander III, and then it was already fraught with consequences. As for Skobelev’s successes in Central Asia and the capture of Merv, this, one might say, happened without any initiative on the part of Alexander Alexandrovich. The campaign began under Alexander II; and if Alexander Alexandrovich managed to avoid a collision with the British, who turned out to be our dangerous and jealous neighbors from Afghanistan, then this is no less a merit of the peace-loving Gladstone than of Alexander III. If Conservatives had been in power in London at that time, we would have had a war with England. Our indifference to the adventures in Bulgaria of Prince Alexander of Battenberg can hardly be considered as great diplomatic fortitude. And finally, the Franco-Russian alliance, which ultimately led us to world war, can now certainly not be recognized as an act of great political foresight. No, our foreign policy under Alexander III was as sleepy, inert and blind as the entire political life of the country at that time was.

V

Life was boring for Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov. Everything seemed to have worked out the way he wanted, the way they wanted with Konstantin Petrovich, and yet almost everyone who knew the tsar personally noticed a stamp of despondency on his broad, bearded face. The emperor was depressed. In vain he tried to entertain himself, either by playing the helicon, or by hunting, or by going to the theater, or by visiting art exhibitions - in the end, all these pleasures could not destroy some melancholy in his soul. The sleep into which Russia and he himself, the Tsar, plunged under him was not a light sleep at all: it was a heavy and stuffy sleep. My heart beat unevenly and it was difficult to breathe.

On October 17, 1888, Alexander Alexandrovich was traveling from Sevastopol to St. Petersburg. Near the Borki station, when the Tsar and his family were having breakfast in the dining car and Guryev’s porridge had already been served, a terrible rocking began, a crash was heard, and Alexander Alexandrovich thought that the roadbed had been blown up and that everything was over. He closed his eyes. At that moment, something heavy and hard fell onto his shoulders. It was the roof of the carriage. When he opened his eyes, he saw everyone crawling around among the rubble. Richter shouted to the king: “Your Majesty! Crawl here, it’s free here!” Seeing that the emperor was alive, Maria Feodorovna, who, falling, grabbed Posyet by the sideburns, remembered the children and screamed in a terrible voice: “Et nos enfants!” But the children were also alive. Ksenia stood in one dress on the road surface. It was raining, and the telegraph official threw his coat with brass buttons over her. The footman, who at the time of the disaster had served the Tsar cream, now lay on the rails, motionless, with frozen, pewter eyes. It was pouring rain. The wind, cold and piercing, chilled the maimed and wounded, who now lay on the wet clay bottom of the gully. Alexander Alexandrovich ordered the fires to be lit. The unfortunate people begged with numb tongues to be moved somewhere where it was warm. Alexander Alexandrovich, feeling pain in his lower back and right thigh, exactly in the place where there was a massive cigarette case in his trouser pocket, walked with a slight limp among the wounded and was surprised to notice that no one was paying attention to him, as if he tsar. And he thought that he, the autocrat, could also lie now helplessly bloodied, as his father lay on March 1, 1881.

This event reminded Alexander Alexandrovich that our life is always the eve of death. Pobedonostsev explained to him that a miracle had happened. “But what days, what sensations we are experiencing,” Pobedonostsev wrote. “What miracle, mercy, God has destined us to witness. We rejoice and thank God fervently. But with what trepidation our joy is united and what horror is left behind us and frightens us with a black shadow "Everyone has a truly terrible thought in their souls about what could have happened and what did not really happen only because God did not have mercy on our sins." In the same sense and tone, a manifesto to the people was drawn up. The Emperor himself officially recognized his salvation as miraculous.

It soon became clear that there was no assassination attempt and that the misfortune happened because Alexander Alexandrovich demanded such a speed that two freight locomotives hauling the too bulky and heavy royal train could not withstand.

After this disaster, life again became monotonous and boring. The Emperor was still fat, but his nerves were not in order, and he often cried. There were no people around him who could arouse in him any interest in life. He respected only Pobedonostsev, but even with him it was boring. Who were the others? It somehow happened that all the independent people left, and sometimes I even wanted someone to argue and object, but everyone did as Konstantin Petrovich wanted, and, therefore, there was no need to argue. Cases such as Giers's objection to the project to limit the publicity of the trial in January 1887 were no longer repeated. And this incident, it seems, was a simple misunderstanding, which Konstantin Petrovich in vain considered “sedition.” Gire inadvertently read at the meeting the opinion of the legal adviser of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Professor Martens, who warned that limiting the publicity of the trial would make an unfavorable impression in Europe and interfere with the treaty on the mutual extradition of criminals.

The next day Gire reported to the sovereign. The king walked around the room in a rage, white with anger, with his lower jaw shaking. Such attacks rarely happened to him.

All these judicial institutions know what they are going for! - he shouted right in Gears’ face. - They wanted to take all power and influence from the late father in judicial matters... You don’t know, but I know that this is a conspiracy...

But now there were no conspiracies at all. Only students rebelled in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kharkov... And the demands made were the most innocent. But this was also annoying. The Tsar made inscriptions on reports on secret matters: “Runs!”, “Beasts!”, “Insolent boys!” All this was varnished.

In his resolutions he did not mince words. On the report of the State Council, the tsar wrote: “They are thinking of deceiving me, but they will not succeed.” Members of the State Council were offended and decided to explain themselves about this. The king was surprised: “What do they want?” - “Don’t gloss over these words, Your Majesty!” This time the sovereign was amused: “What nonsense! Let them just be crossed out!” In fact, since these are all domestic matters, is it worth raising a story because of this?

What kind of people surrounded the king? One contemporary woman, close to the spheres, wrote in her diary on May 20, 1890: “Gire is at least an honest man, Filippov is a swindler, a man without principles, Vyshnegradsky is a rogue, Chikhachev is not an impeccable merchant, Durnovo is stupid, Hubenet is impudent, pompous and one-sided, Vorontsov is a fool and a drunkard, Manasein - nothing else is heard about this except bad things. These are the people who decide the fate of Russia."

Memoirs of this time testify to the deep decline of the ruling spheres. These people don't respect each other. Behind the external beauty of the monarchy of Alexander III, there was hidden the deep depravity of all these ministers and dignitaries. None of them believed in the idea of ​​monarchy, and even less in the idea of ​​autocracy. This idea was defended in principle by Pobedonostsev alone.

In such conditions, among such people, it was not easy for Alexander Alexandrovich to live. And then there are all sorts of troubles. The year 1891 was especially unpleasant.

Tsarevich Nicholas, traveling in the Far East, was hit on the head with a saber by some Japanese... That same year there was a famine. Journalists, of course, lie, but some things are really unpleasant. The Kazan governor issues circulars advising people to cook porridge from corn and lentils and eat it with butter instead of bread, but there is no corn or lentils in Kazan. The Vyatka governor prohibits the import of bread from one volost to another and the sale of it. The Kursk governor is doing the same kind of weird stuff. The Red Cross, according to general reviews, acts in bad faith - it steals. Abuse everywhere. There are reviews from everywhere that people are seriously starving. “You feel something heavy, oppressive, as if you are waiting for a catastrophe...”

On January 1, 1891, Pobedonostsev wrote to the Tsar in Livadia another angry letter with denunciations, in which he did not spare, by the way, the “completely distraught Solovyov,” the philosopher. “Now these people,” writes Pobedonostsev, “have developed new fantasies and new hopes have arisen for activities among the people in the wake of the famine. Abroad, the haters of Russia, whose name is legion, socialists and anarchists of all kinds, are basing the wildest plans and assumptions on the famine, - others are planning to send emissaries in order to stir up the people and stir them up against the government; it is not surprising that, not knowing Russia at all, they imagine that this is an easy matter. But we have many people, although not directly malicious, but insane, who are undertaking on the occasion of famine, to carry out his faith and his social fantasies among the people under the guise of help. Tolstoy wrote an insane article on this topic, which, of course, will not be missed in the magazine where it is published, but which, of course, they will try to distribute in the lists. The year is very difficult ", and a particularly difficult winter lies ahead, but with God's help, perhaps we will survive and recover. Forgive me, Your Majesty, for disturbing your peace in Livadia..." Reading this letter was unpleasant and painful for the already tired sovereign. In general, Konstantin Petrovich is a very difficult person. We must appreciate him, of course, for his commitment to autocratic power, but he is sometimes so insistent in his advice that Alexander Alexandrovich feels like a schoolboy, despite his forty-five years. Sometimes I really want to drive away this too smart zealot for the monarchy.

In such cases, Alexander Alexandrovich seeks the company of General Cherevin. This general is completely stupid, but loyal. The king is pleased that the general is stupider than him. This is a confidant and drinking companion. It's easy and simple with him.

Previously, Alexander Alexandrovich occupied the role of philanthropist, collector, and art lover. He had a trusted advisor, the artist A.P. Bogolyubov, who was inherited by family tradition from his father and grandfather and who diligently painted all kinds of warships commissioned by three emperors. I must say that Alexander Alexandrovich bought many beautiful paintings, but - alas! - even more bad ones. He considered himself a collector even in his youth. Letters to Bogolyubov are filled with messages about his acquisitions. “By February 26,” he writes back in March 1872, “I received from the Tsarevich as a gift two wonderful cloisonné vases and two crackle vases, so my collection is growing little by little.” In fact, in the palace, in his apartments, some rooms were turned into a museum; Along with good things, there was unbearable rubbish here, but the king did not notice this and was proud of the fact that he was a connoisseur of art. He dreamed of reviving the Russian style, but, devoid of real taste and surrounded by ignoramuses, he left behind such architectural monuments that, if they survive, will forever be examples of pathetic vulgarity and falsehood - the Historical Museum in Moscow designed by Sherwood, the building of the Moscow Duma designed by Academician Chichagov, Upper Moscow ranks - Professor Pomerantsev and many others. Now the mediocre monument to Alexander III in the Kremlin has been destroyed - also an example of the bad taste of the penultimate emperor. The “Russian style” of Alexander III was as imaginary and empty as the entire reign of this supposedly “people’s” king. Having probably not had a single drop of Russian blood in his veins, married to a Danish woman, brought up in religious concepts, which were instilled in him by the famous Chief Prosecutor of the Synod, he wanted, however, to be “national and Orthodox,” as the Russified people often dream of. Germans. These St. Petersburg and Baltic “patriots,” not speaking Russian, often sincerely consider themselves “real Russians”: they eat black bread and radishes, drink kvass and vodka and think that this is “Russian style.” Alexander III also ate radishes, drank vodka, encouraged artistic “utensils” with the famous “cockerels” and, not knowing how to write correctly in Russian, thought that he was the exponent and guardian of the Russian spirit. But in the last year of his reign, even this art did not console the bored king. More and more often, his lower back began to ache, and Professor Grube, who examined the emperor shortly after the miraculous rescue, found that the onset of the illness began precisely then, on the day of the disaster: a terrible shaking of the whole body during the fall touched the kidney area. The Emperor still felt strong, but one day he tried to bend a horseshoe, as in his youth, and it failed. The appearance of the king also changed. The complexion became sallow; the once good-natured look became gloomy. Only one man now entertained the emperor. This is General Cherevin, loyal to the sovereign. After a working day, which began at seven o’clock in the morning, the sovereign liked to play cards and drink. But the doctors forbade drinking, and Minnie’s wife strictly followed this. I had to be cunning. They ordered boots with wide tops with Cherevin and hid flat flasks with cognac there in advance. Seizing the moment, the sovereign winked at his drinking companion: “Are you cunning for inventions, Cherevin?” - "Cunning, Your Majesty!" And they drank. About two hours later, having given up the game, His Majesty lay down on the carpet and, dangling his huge legs, frightened his wife and children with his unexpected drunkenness. But I had to have fun like this less and less often, because my lower back hurt, I lost my appetite and my heart was working poorly.

And then a big problem happened. The Emperor was convinced from one letter that Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev, whom the Tsar revered as his most faithful servant, spoke of him no less contemptuously than the authors of the underground proclamations. The king decided not to reveal in any way what he knew. But a black cat ran between the autocratic tsar and the truest champion of autocracy. In his last letter to the emperor, insisting on the cancellation of one decree signed by the tsar without Pobedonostsev’s knowledge, the offended temporary worker writes meaningfully: “In the past, you honored me with trust when I dared to contact you with a warning that, in my deep conviction, threatened with a misunderstanding or mistake in the mind of Your Majesty. Do not be angry now for my writing."

This was Pobedonostsev's last letter to the Tsar. There was no answer to it.

In January 1894, the sovereign fell ill. Doctors found influenza. The king fought the disease in vain. He kept demanding reports, but they kept reporting different troubles. In Nizhny Tagil, factory workers started a riot. The governor appeared with four companies, and “a flogging was given, the likes of which the province had never seen.” An underground printing house was found in Tolmazov Lane, and warehouses of glycerin and sawdust for making explosives were found in Leshtukovovo. But the king was cheerful. In the fall I decided to go to Belovezhskaya Pushcha to hunt. I caught a cold there. I had to give up hunting and return home. The doctors ordered a warm bath, but he decided to cool it down. Blood began to flow down the throat... Then Professor Leiden was discharged from Berlin. It turned out that the king had a serious kidney disease - nephritis.

Alexander Alexandrovich thought more and more often about death. It was difficult for him with his “clumsy mind” to grasp the meaning of life, events, his personal destiny...

If Pobedonostsev had not inspired him in his youth that he, Alexander Alexandrovich, was “the most autocratic” and “the most pious,” it would have been easier to die now. After all, in essence, is he a bad person? He did not offend his wife or children, did not debauch, did not harbor personal malice towards anyone, was not lazy, visited churches, gave icons to monasteries... He should have lived somewhere in the provinces, commanded a regiment - how good it would have been. And now? Ah, it’s hard to be an autocrat! And now, it turns out, the autocrats’ kidneys hurt, their throats are bleeding... The king’s legs are swollen. It's hard to breathe. He's lost weight. His temples and cheeks sank, he was all haggard. Some ears stick out.

Doctors say that there is bad air in the room where the emperor sleeps, because four dogs live with the king and make everything dirty. Zakharyin gasped as he entered the Tsar’s bedroom and demanded that the Tsar be taken away from the palace somewhere in the fresh air, to the south.

Coursework on the topic:

Alexander III: historical portrait

Kaliningrad
2012
Content

Introduction…………………………………………………….. …......................... ... ........................ .......………………. 3
1. Historical portrait of Alexander III.........………………………………….…... .......……...……. 5
1.1. Brief information.......………………………………… .…........................ .... ..........……………...……. 5
1.2. Personality of Alexander III..............……………....... ................………… ………….……….. ......……. 7
2. Counter-reforms of Alexander III........…………………............ .................. ............ ..............…....…. eleven
2.1. Prerequisites for counter-reforms of the 80-90s of the 19th century........…………………........... …....…. eleven
2.2. Counter-reforms of the 80-90s of the 19th century....……………………………...………..…. ...…….. 15
3. Policy of Alexander III.................................................... ............ ......................... ........ ..................... .............. 27
3.1. Domestic policy of Alexander III................................... ................... .......... ......................... ......... .. 27
3.2. Tax policy of Alexander III................................... ................... .......... ......................... ......... ...... 31
Conclusion……………………………………………….. ……........................... ........................... ................... ......... 39
List of used literature…………………………………………………………………….. 40

Introduction

On March 2, 1881, Alexander III (1845 - 1894), the second son of Alexander II, ascended the Russian throne. He became the heir to the throne after the death of his older brother Nicholas in 1865. In the literature, there is an incorrect opinion about Alexander III as a limited and poorly educated person. In fact, he received a thorough education, although from childhood he was prepared for a military career. The main “educator” of the heir was Adjutant General V.A. Perovsky, and his general education was supervised by Moscow University professor, prominent economist A.I. Chivilev. Famous scientists were involved as teachers. Academician Y.K. Grot taught Alexander history, geography, Russian and German; prominent military theorist M.I. Dragomirov - tactics and military history; CM. Soloviev - Russian history. K.P. had a particularly great influence on Alexander. Pobedonostsev, who taught him jurisprudence.
As heir to the throne, Alexander participated in meetings of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers, was the chancellor of Gel Singfors University, ataman of the Cossack troops, commander of the guards units in St. Petersburg, and participated in the Russian-Turkish War as commander of the Rushchuk detachment. He was interested in music, fine arts and history, was one of the initiators of the creation of the Russian Historical Society and its chairman, and was involved in collecting collections of antiquities and restoring historical monuments. Even then he developed conservative political views. In the meetings of the last years of the reign of Alexander II, the heir to the throne invariably spoke out for the inviolability of unlimited autocracy and the need for broad repressive measures against revolutionaries.
The regicide of March 1, 1881 was a severe shock for Alexander III. Fearing assassination attempts by revolutionaries, he spent the first years of his reign in Gatchina under heavy military and police protection. He set his main task to suppress not only the revolutionary, but also the liberal opposition movement. In foreign policy affairs, Alexander III tried to avoid military conflicts, which is why in official historiography he was called the “peacemaker tsar.”
The purpose of the course is to reveal the personality of Alexander III in the context of Russian history, in particular, to consider tax reform during the reign of Alexander III. In addition, the course work involves studying the tax policy pursued in the state in the period from 1881 to 1984, as well as considering the positive and negative aspects of this reform.
To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following problems (consider the following issues) as part of the course work:
- historical portrait of Alexander III;
- internal policy of Alexander III;
- tax policy of Alexander III.
The object of study of the course work is the personality of Alexander III. The subject is the reforms he carried out during his reign.

1. Historical portrait of Alexander III

1.1. Brief information

Russian Emperor since 1881. Second son of Alexander II. In the first half of the 80s of the XIX century. carried out the abolition of the poll tax and lowered redemption payments. Since the second half of the 80s. carried out “counter-reforms”. Strengthened the role of the police, local and central administration. During the reign of Alexander III, the annexation of Central Asia to Russia was basically completed (1885), and the Russian-French alliance was concluded (1891-93).
Alexander III in 1890 signed a decree on the development of the city of Liepaja, since the city was of great military and strategic importance for Russia.
Not being the heir to the throne by birth, Alexander Alexandrovich was preparing mainly for military activity. He became crown prince in 1865 after the death of his elder brother, Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich, and from that time began to receive a more extensive and fundamental education. Among Alexander Alexandrovich’s mentors were S. M. Solovyov (history), Y.K. Grotto (history of literature), M. I. Dragomirov (military art). The greatest influence on the Tsarevich was the law teacher K.P. Pobedonostsev.
In 1866, Alexander Alexandrovich married his late brother’s fiancée, Danish princess Dagmar (1847-1928; in Orthodoxy - Maria Feodorovna). The couple had children: Nicholas (later Russian Emperor Nicholas II), George, Ksenia, Mikhail, Olga.
Alexander Alexandrovich was the appointed ataman of all Cossack troops, and held a number of military positions (up to the commander of the troops of the St. Petersburg Military District and the Guards Corps). Since 1868 - member of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. In the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-78. commanded the Rushchuk detachment in Bulgaria. After the war, he participated, together with Pobedonostsev, in the creation of the Voluntary Fleet, a joint-stock shipping company designed to promote the government’s foreign economic policy.
Alexander Alexandrovich's character traits and lifestyle markedly distinguished him from the court environment. Alexander III adhered to strict moral rules, was very pious, distinguished by frugality, modesty, dislike of comfort, and spent his leisure time in a narrow circle of family and friends. He was interested in music, painting, history (he was one of the initiators of the creation of the Russian Historical Society and its first chairman). He contributed to the liberalization of external aspects of public activity: he abolished genuflection before the Tsar, allowed smoking on the streets and in public places, etc.
Distinguished by his strong will, Alexander III at the same time had a limited and straightforward mind. In the reforms of his father, Alexander II, he saw primarily negative aspects - the growth of government bureaucracy, the difficult financial situation of the people, and imitation of Western models. He had a strong dislike for liberalism and the intelligentsia. These views were reinforced by impressions of the life and customs of higher spheres (his father’s long-term relationship with Princess E.M. Dolgorukova, corruption in government circles, etc.) The political ideal of Alexander III was based on ideas about patriarchal-paternal autocratic rule, the inculcation of religious values ​​in society , strengthening the class structure, nationally distinctive social development.
After the death of Alexander II from a Narodnaya Volya bomb, a struggle broke out between the liberals and the guards at the throne. The leaders of the Pobedonostsev guards (since 1880, Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod) and the journalist M. N. Katkov opposed the plans for changes in the state structure proposed by the Minister of Internal Affairs M. T. Loris-Melikov. At the insistence of Pobedonostsev, Alexander III issued the manifesto “On the Inviolability of Autocracy” on April 29, 1881, which led to the resignation of Loris-Melikov and his supporters.
The beginning of the reign of Alexander III was characterized by tightening administrative and police repression and censorship (Regulations on measures to protect state security and public peace, 1881; Temporary Rules on the Press, 1882). By the mid-1880s, the government, through repression, managed to suppress the revolutionary movement, especially the “People's Will”. At the same time, a number of measures were taken to alleviate the financial situation of the people and mitigate social tension in society (the introduction of compulsory redemption and the reduction of redemption payments, the establishment of the Peasant Land Bank, the introduction of factory inspection, the phased abolition of the poll tax, etc.).
Loris-Melikov’s successor as Minister of Internal Affairs, N.P. Ignatiev, tried to crown the policy of “people’s autocracy” by convening an all-class Zemsky Sobor, but Katkov and Pobedonostsev sharply opposed this. In May 1882, Alexander III replaced Ignatiev with D. A. Tolstoy, a staunch supporter of reactionary-protective policies.

1.2. Personality of Alexander III

Under conditions of absolute monarchy, the personality of the emperor played an extremely important role in all aspects of state policy.
Alexander Alexandrovich “Peacemaker” was born in 1845. The future emperor was the second son in the family; His elder brother Nicholas was preparing to inherit the throne, and he received an appropriate upbringing. Alexander's main educator was Count Boris Perovsky; Education was headed by professor at Moscow University, economist Alexander Chivilev.
In 1865, the eldest son of Alexander II died. By this time, Alexander Alexandrovich was already an established person, with certain views, inclinations, and horizons. Soon he married a Danish princess, the bride of his late brother, who was given a new name - Grand Duchess Maria Fedorovna.
Alexander III had a courageous appearance. He wore a beard, was unpretentious in everyday life, and wore a simple shirt in everyday situations. Alexander Alexandrovich's character traits and lifestyle markedly distinguished him from the court environment. Alexander III adhered to strict moral rules, was very pious, distinguished by frugality, modesty, dislike of comfort, and spent his leisure time in a narrow circle of family and friends. He was interested in music, painting, history. He contributed to the liberalization of external aspects of public activity: he abolished genuflection before the king, allowed smoking on the streets and in public places, etc. Alexander’s favorite pastime was fishing, which required perseverance and suited his leisurely temperament, allowing him to immerse himself in the world of his slow thoughts. “Europe can wait while the Russian Tsar fishes,” he once said, wanting to emphasize his weight in world politics and actually going fishing.
Distinguished by his strong will, Alexander III at the same time had a limited and straightforward mind. In the reforms of his father, Alexander II, he saw, first of all, negative aspects - the growth of government bureaucracy, the difficult financial situation of the people, and imitation of Western models. He had a strong dislike for liberalism and the intelligentsia. These views were reinforced by impressions of the life and customs of the higher spheres. The political ideal of Alexander III was based on ideas about patriarchal-paternal autocratic rule, the inculcation of religious values ​​in society, the strengthening of the class structure, and nationally distinctive social development.
Some contemporaries found the emperor too straightforward and even simple-minded. S. Yu. Witte wrote about him:
“Emperor Alexander III was undoubtedly of an ordinary mind and completely ordinary abilities...
...one might say that he was somewhat in the pen: no special attention was paid to either his education or his upbringing, since all the attention, as I said, of both father and mother and everyone around him was focused on the heir Nicholas...
...Emperor Alexander III was of a completely ordinary mind, perhaps one could say, below average intelligence, below average abilities and below average education...” - S. Yu. Witte Memoirs.
Witte described the appearance of Alexander III as follows:
“...the figure of Emperor Alexander III was very impressive: he was not handsome, his manners were more or less ursine-like; was very tall, and for all his build he was not particularly strong or muscular, but rather was somewhat thick and fat, but nevertheless, if Alexander III had appeared in a crowd where they would not have known at all that he was an emperor, everyone would pay attention to this figure. He made an impression with his impressiveness, the calmness of his manners and, on the one hand, extreme firmness, and on the other hand, the complacency in his face...
...in appearance - he looked like a big Russian peasant from the central provinces; a suit would suit him best: a sheepskin coat, a jacket and bast shoes; and yet, with his appearance, which reflected his enormous character, beautiful heart, complacency, justice and at the same time firmness, he undoubtedly impressed, and, as I said above, if they had not known that he was an emperor, he would entered the room in any suit - undoubtedly, everyone would pay attention to him.” - S. Yu. Witte Memoirs.
On March 1, 1881, after the assassination of Emperor Alexander II by terrorists, his 36-year-old son Alexander III ascended the throne. The emperor had enormous capacity for work and extraordinary physical strength. Unlike his father, Alexander III was not a brave man. Fearing assassination attempts, he retired to Gatchina, to the palace of his great-grandfather Paul I, designed like an ancient castle, surrounded by moats and protected by watchtowers.
The new emperor was a strong opponent of reforms and did not recognize his father's reforms. The tragic death of Alexander II in his eyes meant the perniciousness of liberal policies. This conclusion predetermined the transition to reactionary politics. The evil genius of the reign of Alexander III became K.P. Pobedonostsev, Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod. Possessing a sharp analytical mind, Pobedonostsev K.P. develops a position that denies democracy and contemporary Western European culture. He did not recognize European rationalism, did not believe in the good nature of man, and was a fierce opponent of parliamentarism, calling it “the great lie of our time,” believing that parliamentarians in the majority belong to the most immoral representatives of society. Pobedonostsev K.P. hated the press, which, in his conviction, invades every corner of life with its own opinion; imposes his ideas on the reader and influences people's actions in the most harmful way. According to K.P. Pobedonostsev, society rests on the “natural force of inertia,” based not on knowledge, but on experience. Politically, this meant respect for the old government institutions. The contrast between rational thought and traditional life was a very desirable conclusion for conservatives, but dangerous for social progress. In practice, the implementation of these complex legal ideas was carried out through the inculcation of pseudo-popular views, the idealization of antiquity, and the support of nationalism. Alexander III dressed in folk clothes; Even in the architecture of official buildings, the pseudo-Russian style dominated. The period of the reign of Alexander III was marked by a series of reactionary changes, called counter-reforms, aimed at revising the reforms of previous decades.
During the reign of Alexander III, Russia's prestige in the world rose to previously unattainable heights, and peace and order reigned in the country itself. The most important service of Alexander III to the Fatherland is that during all the years of his reign, Russia did not wage wars. Alexander III remains to this day the only ruler of our state, since the 9th century, during which there was not a single war. For which he received his nickname "Peacemaker". He took over the country in a dire state, when revolutionary terror was raging, and handed it over to the heir completely calmed down.

2. Counter-reforms of Alexander III

2.1. Prerequisites for counter-reforms of the 80-90s of the 19th century

By the end of the 70s of the XIX century. The situation of the Russian peasantry noticeably worsened, which was due to a number of reasons. By this time, the predatory consequences of the peasant reform of 1861 had become clear: the peasants' lack of land, the discrepancy between the low-income peasant plots cut as a result of cuts and the high redemption payments for them, the pressure on the peasant economy of the landowners' latifundia (the oppression of indentured labor). The natural increase in the peasant population, while maintaining the same size of plots, further aggravated the shortage of land. The unaffordability of high redemption payments for peasants was evidenced by the progressive growth of arrears: in the 20 years after the reform of 1861, in the former landowner village they doubled and amounted to 84% of their annual amount. They were especially large in the non-black earth and Volga provinces, where they exceeded the annual salary by one and a half to two times. When collecting arrears, the most severe measures were used: livestock, equipment and even household utensils were described and sold, and the allotment was taken away (for a time). No less difficult was the situation of the temporarily obliged peasants who had not yet transferred to the ransom: they continued to serve their previous feudal duties - corvee and quitrent. Redemption payments for allotment land, which significantly exceeded the profitability from it, ruined the specific and state villages. The difficult situation of the peasantry in these years was aggravated by the devastating consequences of the Russian-Turkish War of 1877 - 1878, crop failure and famine of 1879 - 1880, and the global economic crisis of the late 70s, which also gripped Russia.
The number of peasant unrest increased noticeably: if in 1875-1879. 152 unrest were recorded, then in the next five years (1880 - 1884) - already 325. However, the danger for the government was not so much peasant unrest, which was much less than in the 50s - 60s in connection with the preparation and implementation of the reform of 1861 The authorities were especially concerned about rumors spreading in the village about an imminent “black redistribution” of land, during which supposedly “all the land will be taken away from the landowners and distributed to the peasants.” The redistribution of lands was also associated with the peasants' hope for "liberation from the poll tax and, in general, from all payments." Similar rumors began to arise in some provinces since the mid-70s, and in 1879 they became widespread. By order of Alexander II, Minister of Internal Affairs L.S. Makov published a special “Announcement” in the official press about the groundlessness of the peasants’ hopes for the redistribution of land.
However, rumors about this continued to spread persistently, creating a tense situation in the village. The peasants pinned their hopes for the redistribution of the land on the tsar and saw the ongoing assassination attempts on Alexander II by the Narodnaya Volya members as acts of revenge by the landowners for granting “freedom” to the peasants in 1861 and his intention to “level the lands.” The assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881 gave new food to rumors and rumors. The governors' reports stated: "The common people interpret that the sovereign was killed by landowners who did not want to fulfill his will, so that they would give the land free of charge to their former peasants." The accession of the new king to the throne gave rise to even greater hopes among the peasants that under him a redistribution of lands would certainly be carried out, as well as “the addition of taxes and arrears.” Alexander III himself was forced to refute these rumors. In his speech on May 21, 1883, before the volost elders gathered for his coronation, he stated: “Follow the advice and guidance of your leaders of the nobility and do not believe the absurd and absurd rumors and rumors about the redistribution of land, free additions and the like. These rumors are being spread. "your enemies. All property, just like yours, must be inviolable."
Ferment in the countryside, a wave of workers' strikes and walkouts that swept through the years 1878 - 1880. such large industrial centers as St. Petersburg, Moscow, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, Perm, Kharkov, Odessa, Lodz, the growth of the liberal opposition movement and, finally, the intensification of the terrorist activities of the Narodnaya Volya members, directed against the tsar and his dignitaries, had a significant impact on the ruling “tops” and ultimately were the factors that caused the crisis of autocratic politics at the turn of the 70s and 80s. In those years it experienced serious hesitations, expressed, on the one hand, in the fact that reforms were promised and some concessions were made to attract liberal circles to the fight against “sedition”; on the other hand, severe repression was applied to participants in the revolutionary movement.
On February 8, 1880, after Stepan Khalturin’s assassination attempt on the Tsar, Alexander II convened a special meeting to develop measures to suppress terrorism in the country. On February 12, 1880, the “Supreme Administrative Commission for the Protection of State Order and Public Peace” was formed. It was headed by Kharkov Governor General M.T. Loris-Melikov, who gained fame as a talented military leader during the Russian-Turkish War of 1877 - 1878, and subsequently as a skillful administrator. He also headed the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry into the case of the explosion in the Winter Palace; he soon took the post of Minister of the Interior, at that time equal in importance to the post of Prime Minister. He was a cunning and resourceful politician who lavished promises and promises on the “well-meaning” part of society and pursued a policy of tough measures against revolutionaries. The famous populist publicist N.K. Mikhailovsky caustically remarked then that “grateful Russia will depict Loris-Melikov in a statue with a wolf’s mouth in front and a fox’s tail in the back.”
The task of the Supreme Administrative Commission was “to put a limit to the continuously repeated attempts of daring attackers in recent times to shake the state and social order.” At the same time, the task was to attract the liberal part of society to the side of the supreme power. The commission was engaged in developing measures to improve the efficiency of the punitive machine - the secret search service, speeding up the production of inquiries into state crimes, and considered issues of the condition of places of detention. When appointing Loris-Melikov to the post of Chairman of the Commission, Alexander II told him: “Take everything into your own hands.” Loris-Melikov received dictatorial powers and became the second person in the state after the emperor.
Loris-Melikov believed that one cannot act only with repressive measures, but a more flexible policy should be pursued. In his report to the Tsar, he wrote: “Only a strong autocratic will can lead Russia out of the crisis it is experiencing, but this task cannot be accomplished by punitive and police measures alone.”
This was how the task of “introducing popular representation” was determined, but within strictly limited limits, which Alexander II agreed with.
The Loris-Melikov commission worked until May 1, 1880, holding only 5 meetings. By decree of August 6, 1880 it was closed. The same decree abolished the III Department. However, the State Police Department was established under the Ministry of Internal Affairs with the same functions, i.e. the talk was not about abolishing, but about renaming this higher police body. In August 1880, Loris-Melikov took the initiative to conduct an audit of the state of local government by the Senate. For this purpose, 4 senators were sent to the provinces. He insisted on the abolition in the same year of the indirect tax on salt, which was especially hated by the population, and also forced grain traders to reduce bread prices.
On January 22, 1881, Loris-Melikov presented a report to Alexander II, in which he summed up the activities of the Supreme Administrative Commission and outlined a plan for “pacifying” the country. It was proposed to create two temporary preparatory commissions (financial and administrative) from representatives of zemstvos and government-appointed officials to develop the transformation of provincial government, revise zemstvo and city regulations, as well as legal provisions on certain economic and financial issues. It was further proposed to involve from 10 to 15 representatives of zemstvo and city administration to participate in the consideration of these bills in the State Council. In other words, only timid steps were proposed towards involving elected representatives in legislation. A special meeting convened on February 5, 1881 by Alexander II approved these measures. On February 17, they were approved by the tsar, who scheduled for March 4, 1881 a discussion of Loris-Melikov’s plan to create under the State Council a commission elected from zemstvos with an advisory vote to develop bills specified by the “highest will” of the tsar. This plan in common parlance was called “ constitution of Loris-Melikov". Discussion of the Loris-Melikov project took place under the new emperor.

2.2. Counter-reforms of the 80-90s of the 19th century

Censorship and enlightenment

After the resignation of P.N. Ignatiev was appointed head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs by D.A. Tolstoy. At the same time, he was appointed chief of gendarmes. This was a representative of the most rabid and rigid reaction. Combining in 1866 - 1880 the posts of chief prosecutor of the Synod and minister of public education, he gained fame as an ardent reactionary and obscurantist. M.T. Loris-Melikov spoke of him like this: “This person, who stood at the head of the most important branches of government for fifteen years, did more evil to Russia than all other figures, even put together.” With special persistence D.A. Tolstoy began to implement the reactionary program defined and proclaimed by Pobedonostsev and Katkov.
The first victims were the press and education. On August 27, 1882, new “Temporary Rules” on the press were approved, establishing strict administrative supervision over newspapers and magazines. Editors were obliged, at the request of the Minister of Internal Affairs, to report the names of the authors of articles published under pseudonyms. “Punitive censorship” and repressive measures against the progressive press intensified. In 1883 - 1884 All radical and many liberal periodicals were closed, among them “Otechestvennye zapiski” M.E. Saltykova-Shchedrin and “Delo” N.V. Shelgunov, liberal newspapers "Golos", "Zemstvo", "Country", "Moscow Telegraph".
November 20, 1882 Minister of Public Education I.D. Delyanov issued a circular about the secondary school, which strengthened disciplinary sanctions, and on June 5, 1887, his circular was published, which stated the prohibition of admitting “children of coachmen, footmen, laundresses, small shopkeepers and the like” to the gymnasium and pre-gymnasium. The public perceived it as a shameful "circular about cook's children." Real schools were transformed into technical schools; their completion did not give the right to enter higher educational institutions. On August 23, 1884, a new university charter was introduced, the text of which was prepared by Katkov. According to this charter, the autonomy of universities, restored by the charter of 1863, was virtually eliminated. Previously, the elected positions of rector, dean, and professor became appointed, and not only “scientific qualities and merits” were considered, but also the political reliability of those appointed. The trustee of the educational district became the absolute owner of the university. He submitted university teaching staff to the Minister of Public Education for approval and organized supervision of student behavior. In 1885, as “an essential means of supervising students,” uniforms were reintroduced for them. In the same year, restrictive rules for university examinations were introduced. Tuition fees increased from 10 to 50 rubles per year - quite a significant amount for that time. Well-known progressive professors were dismissed from universities: sociologist M.M. Kovalevsky, historian V.I. Semevsky, philologist F.G. Mishchenko, lawyer S.A. Muromtsev; The outstanding world-famous biologist I.I. was forced to leave. Mechnikov. In 1882 - 1883 most of the higher women's courses were closed; thereby virtually eliminating higher education for women. Reactionary measures in the field of higher education caused a series of student unrest in 1887 - 1893.

Agrarian-peasant question

The policy of the autocracy on the agrarian-peasant issue in the 80-90s was characterized by a combination of reactionary measures with some concessions to the peasantry.
On December 28, 1881, decrees were issued on reducing redemption payments and on the mandatory transfer of peasants who were in a temporarily obliged position to redemption. According to the first decree, the redemption payments of peasants for the plots provided to them were reduced by 16%, and according to the second decree, from the beginning of 1883, from the beginning of 1883, the 15% of former landowner peasants who remained in a temporarily obliged position by that time were transferred to compulsory redemption.
On May 18, 1882, the Peasant Land Bank was established (began to function in 1883), which issued loans for the purchase of land to both individual householders and rural societies and partnerships. The establishment of this bank pursued the goal of mitigating the severity of the agrarian question. As a rule, landowners' lands were sold through him. Through him in 1883-1900. 5 million acres of land were sold to peasants.
The law of May 18, 1886, from January 1, 1887 (in Siberia since 1899), abolished the poll tax from tax-paying classes, introduced by Peter I. However, its abolition was accompanied by a 45% increase in taxes from state peasants by transferring them from 1886 for redemption, as well as an increase in direct taxes from the entire population by 1/3 and indirect taxes by two times.
In the late 80s and early 90s, a series of laws were issued aimed at preserving the patriarchal foundations in the countryside, primarily the patriarchal peasant family and community, that were collapsing under the pressure of capitalism. The collapse of the old, patriarchal family was expressed in the rapid increase in the number of family divisions. According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in the first two post-reform decades, an average of 116 thousand family divisions occurred annually, and in the early 80s their average annual number increased to 150 thousand. On March 18, 1886, a law was passed according to which family division could take place only with the consent of the head of the family ("bolshaka") and with the permission of at least 2/3 of the householders at the village gathering. However, this law could neither suspend nor limit family divisions, the number of which continued to increase even after its publication, with more than 9/10 divisions occurring “unauthorized,” without the sanction of the community and local authorities. Forced “reunifications” of separated families did not help either.
The problem of the peasant land community occupied an important place in the agrarian-peasant policy of the autocracy. Even during the preparation and implementation of the reform of 1861, both opponents and supporters of preserving the community were identified among government officials. The first believed that household peasant land ownership would create a significant layer of owners - the pillars of social stability in the country, and the equalization of allotments and mutual responsibility were considered by them as the reason for the too slow economic development of the village. The latter viewed the community as an important fiscal and police instrument in the countryside and a factor preventing the proletarianization of the peasantry. As you know, the second point of view won, which was reflected in the laws of 1861.
In the early 90s, laws were passed aimed at strengthening the peasant community. The law of June 8, 1893 limited periodic land redistributions, which from now on were allowed to be carried out no more often than every 12 years, and with the consent of at least 2/3 of householders. The law of December 14 of the same year “On certain measures to prevent the alienation of peasant allotment lands” prohibited the mortgaging of peasant allotment lands, and the leasing of allotments was limited to the boundaries of one’s community. According to the same law, Article 165 of the “Regulations on Redemption” was abolished, according to which a peasant could redeem his plot ahead of schedule and separate from the community. The law of December 14, 1893 was directed against the increasing frequency of pledges and sales of peasant allotment lands - in this the government saw a guarantee of the solvency of the peasant household. With such measures, the government sought to further tie the peasant to the plot and limit his freedom of movement.
However, redistribution, sale and lease of peasant allotment lands, abandonment of allotments by peasants and departure to the cities continued, bypassing laws that turned out to be powerless to stop objective, capitalist processes in the countryside. Could these government measures also ensure the solvency of the peasant household, as evidenced by official statistics? Thus, in 1891, an inventory of peasant property was made in 18 thousand villages in 48 provinces; in 2.7 thousand villages, peasant property was sold for next to nothing to pay off arrears. In 1891-1894. 87.6 thousand peasant plots were taken away for arrears, 38 thousand arrears were arrested, about 5 thousand were forced into forced labor.
Based on its main idea of ​​​​the primacy of the nobility, the autocracy in the agrarian question carried out a number of measures aimed at supporting noble land ownership and landowner farming. In order to strengthen the economic position of the nobility, on April 21, 1885, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Charter of the Nobility, the Noble Bank was established, which gave loans to landowners secured by their lands on preferential terms. Already in the first year of its activity, the bank issued loans to landowners in the amount of 69 million rubles, and by the end of the 19th century. their amount exceeded 1 billion rubles.
In the interests of noble landowners, on June 1, 1886, the “Regulations on Hiring for Rural Work” were published. It expanded the rights of the employer-landowner, who could demand the return of workers who left before the expiration of the hiring period, make deductions from their wages not only for material damage caused to the owner, but also “for rudeness,” “disobedience,” etc., subject them to arrest and bodily harm. punishment. In order to provide landowners with labor, a new law on June 13, 1889 significantly limited the resettlement of peasants. The local administration undertook to send the “unauthorized” migrant to his previous place of residence. And yet, despite this harsh law, in the ten years after its publication the number of migrants increased several times, and 85% of them were “unauthorized” migrants.

Introduction of the Institute of Zemstvo Chiefs

On July 12, 1889, the “Regulations on Zemstvo Precinct Chiefs” were published. In the 40 provinces of Russia to which this “Regulation” applied (mainly to provinces with landownership), 2,200 zemstvo sections (about 4-5 per county) were created, headed by zemstvo chiefs. In the districts, a district congress of zemstvo chiefs was established, consisting of an administrative and judicial presence. The functions of the abolished district presence for peasant affairs and the magistrate's court were transferred to him (the magistrate's court was retained only in Moscow, St. Petersburg and Odessa), which significantly strengthened the administrative and police power of zemstvo chiefs. The need to introduce the institution of zemstvo chiefs was explained by the “lack of firm government power close to the people.”
Zemstvo chiefs were appointed by the Minister of Internal Affairs on the proposal of governors and provincial leaders of the nobility from local hereditary noble landowners. The zemstvo chief had to have a certain property qualification (over 200 acres of land or other real estate worth 7,500 rubles), have a higher education, three years of service in the position of either a peace mediator, or a justice of the peace, or a member of the provincial presence for peasant affairs. If there was a shortage of candidates who met these requirements, local hereditary nobles with secondary and even primary education, who were in military or civilian ranks, regardless of length of service, could be appointed zemstvo commanders, but the property qualification for them was doubled. In addition, the Minister of Internal Affairs “in special cases,” bypassing the specified conditions, could appoint any of the local nobles as a zemstvo chief, and according to the law of 1904, these restrictions were lifted.
The introduction of the institution of zemstvo chiefs was one of the most reactionary measures of the autocracy’s internal political course in the 80s and early 90s and became a clear manifestation of its pro-noble policy. This act pursued the goal of restoring the power of the landowners over the peasants, which they had lost as a result of the reform of 1861. The functions of the zemstvo chief in the area entrusted to him included: supervision and control over the activities of peasant rural and volost institutions, comprehensive guardianship not only of the peasants, but also of the entire tax-paying population in his area. The prerogatives of the zemstvo chief, who carried out administrative, judicial and police functions in the village, were extremely broad. He could subject any person from the tax-paying classes of his site to corporal punishment, arrest for up to three days and a fine of up to six rubles, remove members of peasant rural institutions from office, cancel any resolution of village and volost assemblies, impose his decision on them, and he often acted on arbitrariness, regardless of any laws.
The volost courts, previously elected by the peasants, were now appointed by the zemstvo chief from candidates proposed by the rural society. The zemstvo chief could cancel any decision of the volost court, and the judges themselves could be removed from office at any time, subjected to arrest, fines, or corporal punishment. The resolutions and decisions of the zemstvo chief were considered final
etc.................

V. Klyuchevsky: “Alexander III raised Russian historical thought, Russian national consciousness.”

Education and start of activity

Alexander III (Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov) was born in February 1845. He was the second son of Emperor Alexander II and Empress Maria Alexandrovna.

His older brother Nikolai Alexandrovich was considered the heir to the throne, so the younger Alexander was preparing for a military career. But the premature death of his older brother in 1865 unexpectedly changed the fate of the 20-year-old young man, who faced the need to succeed to the throne. He had to change his intentions and start getting a more fundamental education. Among Alexander Alexandrovich’s teachers were the most famous people of that time: the historian S. M. Solovyov, Y. K. Grot, who taught him the history of literature, M. I. Dragomirov taught him the art of war. But the greatest influence on the future emperor was exerted by the teacher of law K. P. Pobedonostsev, who during the reign of Alexander served as chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod and had great influence on state affairs.

In 1866, Alexander married the Danish princess Dagmara (in Orthodoxy - Maria Feodorovna). Their children: Nicholas (later Russian Emperor Nicholas II), George, Ksenia, Mikhail, Olga. The last family photograph taken in Livadia shows, from left to right: Tsarevich Nicholas, Grand Duke George, Empress Maria Feodorovna, Grand Duchess Olga, Grand Duke Michael, Grand Duchess Xenia and Emperor Alexander III.

The last family photo of Alexander III

Before ascending the throne, Alexander Alexandrovich was the appointed ataman of all Cossack troops, and was the commander of the troops of the St. Petersburg Military District and the Guards Corps. Since 1868 he was a member of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. Participated in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, commanded the Rushchuk detachment in Bulgaria. After the war, he participated in the creation of the Voluntary Fleet, a joint-stock shipping company (together with Pobedonostsev), which was supposed to promote the government’s foreign economic policy.

Emperor's personality

S.K. Zaryanko "Portrait of Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich in a retinue frock coat"

Alexander III was not like his father, neither in appearance, nor in character, nor in habits, nor in his mentality. He was distinguished by his very large height (193 cm) and strength. In his youth, he could bend a coin with his fingers and break a horseshoe. Contemporaries note that he was devoid of external aristocracy: he preferred unpretentiousness in clothing, modesty, was not inclined to comfort, liked to spend his leisure time in a narrow family or friendly circle, was thrifty, and adhered to strict moral rules. S.Yu. Witte described the emperor this way: “He made an impression with his impressiveness, the calmness of his manners and, on the one hand, extreme firmness, and on the other hand, the complacency in his face... in appearance, he looked like a big Russian peasant from the central provinces, he was most approached a suit: short fur coat, jacket and bast shoes; and yet, with his appearance, which reflected his enormous character, beautiful heart, complacency, justice and at the same time firmness, he undoubtedly impressed, and, as I said above, if they had not known that he was an emperor, he would entered the room in any suit - undoubtedly, everyone would pay attention to him.”

He had a negative attitude towards the reforms of his father, Emperor Alexander II, as he saw their unfavorable consequences: the growth of bureaucracy, the plight of the people, imitation of the West, corruption in the government. He had a dislike for liberalism and the intelligentsia. His political ideal: patriarchal-paternal autocratic rule, religious values, strengthening of the class structure, nationally distinctive social development.

The emperor and his family lived mainly in Gatchina due to the threat of terrorism. But he lived for a long time in both Peterhof and Tsarskoe Selo. He didn't really like the Winter Palace.

Alexander III simplified court etiquette and ceremony, reduced the staff of the Ministry of the Court, significantly reduced the number of servants, and introduced strict control over the spending of money. He replaced expensive foreign wines at court with Crimean and Caucasian wines, and limited the number of balls per year to four.

At the same time, the emperor did not spare money to purchase objects of art, which he knew how to appreciate, since in his youth he studied drawing with professor of painting N.I. Tikhobrazov. Later, Alexander Alexandrovich resumed his studies together with his wife Maria Fedorovna under the guidance of academician A.P. Bogolyubov. During his reign, Alexander III, due to his workload, left this occupation, but retained his love for art throughout his life: the emperor collected an extensive collection of paintings, graphics, objects of decorative and applied art, sculptures, which after his death was transferred to the foundation founded by the Russian Emperor Nicholas II in memory of his father, Russian Museum.

The emperor was fond of hunting and fishing. Belovezhskaya Pushcha became his favorite hunting spot.

On October 17, 1888, the royal train in which the emperor was traveling crashed near Kharkov. There were casualties among the servants in the seven wrecked carriages, but the royal family remained intact. During the crash, the roof of the dining car collapsed; as is known from eyewitness accounts, Alexander held the roof on his shoulders until his children and wife got out of the carriage and help arrived.

But soon after this, the emperor began to feel pain in his lower back - the concussion from the fall damaged his kidneys. The disease gradually developed. The Emperor began to feel unwell more and more often: his appetite disappeared and heart problems began. Doctors diagnosed him with nephritis. In the winter of 1894, he caught a cold, and the disease quickly began to progress. Alexander III was sent for treatment to Crimea (Livadia), where he died on October 20, 1894.

On the day of the emperor’s death and in the previous last days of his life, Archpriest John of Kronstadt was next to him, who laid his hands on the head of the dying man at his request.

The emperor's body was taken to St. Petersburg and buried in the Peter and Paul Cathedral.

Domestic policy

Alexander II intended to continue his reforms. The Loris-Melikov project (called the “constitution”) received the highest approval, but on March 1, 1881, the emperor was killed by terrorists, and his successor curtailed the reforms. Alexander III, as mentioned above, did not support the policies of his father; moreover, K. P. Pobedonostsev, who was the leader of the conservative party in the government of the new tsar, had a strong influence on the new emperor.

This is what he wrote to the emperor in the first days after his accession to the throne: “... it’s a terrible hour and time is running out. Either save Russia and yourself now, or never. If they sing the old siren songs to you about how you need to calm down, you need to continue in the liberal direction, you need to give in to so-called public opinion - oh, for God’s sake, don’t believe it, Your Majesty, don’t listen. This will be death, the death of Russia and yours: this is clear to me as day.<…>The insane villains who destroyed your Parent will not be satisfied with any concession and will only become furious. They can be appeased, the evil seed can be torn out only by fighting them to the death and to the stomach, with iron and blood. It is not difficult to win: until now everyone wanted to avoid the fight and deceived the late Emperor, you, themselves, everyone and everything in the world, because they were not people of reason, strength and heart, but flabby eunuchs and magicians.<…>do not leave Count Loris-Melikov. I don't believe him. He is a magician and can also play doubles.<…>The new policy must be announced immediately and decisively. It is necessary to end at once, right now, all talk about freedom of the press, about the willfulness of meetings, about a representative assembly<…>».

After the death of Alexander II, a struggle developed between liberals and conservatives in the government; at a meeting of the Committee of Ministers, the new emperor, after some hesitation, nevertheless accepted the project drawn up by Pobedonostsev, which is known as the Manifesto on the Inviolability of Autocracy. This was a departure from the previous liberal course: liberal-minded ministers and dignitaries (Loris-Melikov, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, Dmitry Milyutin) resigned; Ignatiev (Slavophile) became the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs; he issued a circular that read: “... the great and broadly conceived transformations of the past Reign did not bring all the benefits that the Tsar-Liberator had the right to expect from them. The Manifesto of April 29 indicates to us that the Supreme Power has measured the enormity of the evil from which our Fatherland is suffering and has decided to begin to eradicate it...”

The government of Alexander III pursued a policy of counter-reforms that limited the liberal reforms of the 1860s and 70s. A new University Charter was issued in 1884, which abolished the autonomy of higher education. The entry into gymnasiums of children of the lower classes was limited (“circular about cooks’ children,” 1887). Since 1889, peasant self-government began to be subordinate to zemstvo chiefs from local landowners, who combined administrative and judicial power in their hands. Zemstvo (1890) and city (1892) regulations tightened the administration's control over local self-government and limited the rights of voters from the lower strata of the population.

During his coronation in 1883, Alexander III announced to the volost elders: “Follow the advice and guidance of your leaders of the nobility.” This meant the protection of the class rights of the noble landowners (the establishment of the Noble Land Bank, the adoption of the Regulations on Hiring for Agricultural Work, which was beneficial for the landowners), strengthening of administrative guardianship over the peasantry, conservation of the community and the large patriarchal family. Attempts were made to increase the social role of the Orthodox Church (the spread of parochial schools), and repressions against Old Believers and sectarians were intensified. On the outskirts, a policy of Russification was carried out, the rights of foreigners (especially Jews) were limited. A percentage norm was established for Jews in secondary and then higher educational institutions (within the Pale of Settlement - 10%, outside the Pale - 5, in the capitals - 3%). A policy of Russification was pursued. In the 1880s. Instruction in Russian was introduced in Polish universities (previously, after the uprising of 1862-1863, it was introduced there in schools). In Poland, Finland, the Baltic states, and Ukraine, the Russian language was introduced in institutions, on railways, on posters, etc.

But the reign of Alexander III was not characterized only by counter-reforms. Redemption payments were lowered, the mandatory redemption of peasant plots was legalized, and a peasant land bank was established to enable peasants to obtain loans to purchase land. In 1886, the poll tax was abolished, and an inheritance and interest tax were introduced. In 1882, restrictions were introduced on factory work by minors, as well as on night work by women and children. At the same time, the police regime and the class privileges of the nobility were strengthened. Already in 1882-1884, new rules were issued on the press, libraries and reading rooms, called temporary, but in force until 1905. This was followed by a number of measures expanding the benefits of the landed nobility - the law on escheat of noble property (1883), the organization long-term loan for noble landowners, in the form of the establishment of a noble land bank (1885), instead of the all-class land bank projected by the Minister of Finance.

I. Repin "Reception of volost elders by Alexander III in the courtyard of the Petrovsky Palace in Moscow"

During the reign of Alexander III, 114 new military vessels were built, including 17 battleships and 10 armored cruisers; The Russian fleet ranked third in the world after England and France. The army and the military department were put in order after their disorganization during the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, which was facilitated by the complete trust shown to Minister Vannovsky and the chief of the main staff Obruchev by the emperor, who did not allow outside interference in their activities.

The influence of Orthodoxy in the country increased: the number of church periodicals increased, the circulation of spiritual literature increased; parishes closed during the previous reign were restored, intensive construction of new churches was underway, the number of dioceses within Russia increased from 59 to 64.

During the reign of Alexander III, there was a sharp decrease in protests, in comparison with the second half of the reign of Alexander II, and a decline in the revolutionary movement in the mid-80s. Terrorist activity has also decreased. After the assassination of Alexander II, there was only one successful attempt by Narodnaya Volya (1882) on the Odessa prosecutor Strelnikov and a failed attempt (1887) on Alexander III. After this, there were no more terrorist attacks in the country until the beginning of the 20th century.

Foreign policy

During the reign of Alexander III, Russia did not wage a single war. For this Alexander III received the name Peacemaker.

The main directions of the foreign policy of Alexander III:

Balkan policy: strengthening Russia's position.

Peaceful relations with all countries.

Search for loyal and reliable allies.

Determination of the southern borders of Central Asia.

Politics in the new territories of the Far East.

After the 5-century Turkish yoke as a result of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Bulgaria gained its statehood in 1879 and became a constitutional monarchy. Russia expected to find an ally in Bulgaria. At first it was like this: the Bulgarian Prince A. Battenberg pursued a friendly policy towards Russia, but then Austrian influence began to prevail, and in May 18881 a coup d’etat took place in Bulgaria, led by Battenberg himself - he abolished the constitution and became an unlimited ruler, pursuing a pro-Austrian policy. The Bulgarian people did not approve of this and did not support Battenberg; Alexander III demanded the restoration of the constitution. In 1886 A. Battenberg abdicated the throne. In order to prevent Turkish influence on Bulgaria again, Alexander III advocated strict compliance with the Berlin Treaty; invited Bulgaria to solve its own problems in foreign policy, recalled the Russian military without interfering in Bulgarian-Turkish affairs. Although the Russian ambassador in Constantinople announced to the Sultan that Russia would not allow a Turkish invasion. In 1886, diplomatic relations were severed between Russia and Bulgaria.

N. Sverchkov "Portrait of Emperor Alexander III in the uniform of the Life Guards Hussar Regiment"

At the same time, Russia's relations with England are becoming more complicated as a result of clashes of interests in Central Asia, the Balkans and Turkey. At the same time, relations between Germany and France were also becoming complicated, so France and Germany began to look for opportunities for rapprochement with Russia in case of war between themselves - it was provided for in the plans of Chancellor Bismarck. But Emperor Alexander III kept William I from attacking France using family ties, and in 1891 a Russian-French alliance was concluded for as long as the Triple Alliance existed. The agreement had a high degree of secrecy: Alexander III warned the French government that if the secret was disclosed, the alliance would be dissolved.

In Central Asia, Kazakhstan, the Kokand Khanate, the Bukhara Emirate, the Khiva Khanate were annexed, and the annexation of the Turkmen tribes continued. During the reign of Alexander III, the territory of the Russian Empire increased by 430 thousand square meters. km. This was the end of the expansion of the borders of the Russian Empire. Russia avoided war with England. In 1885, an agreement was signed on the creation of Russian-British military commissions to determine the final borders of Russia and Afghanistan.

At the same time, Japan's expansion was intensifying, but it was difficult for Russia to conduct military operations in that area due to the lack of roads and Russia's weak military potential. In 1891, construction of the Great Siberian Railway began in Russia - the Chelyabinsk-Omsk-Irkutsk-Khabarovsk-Vladivostok railway line (approx. 7 thousand km). This could dramatically increase Russia's forces in the Far East.

Results of the board

During the 13 years of the reign of Emperor Alexander III (1881–1894), Russia made a strong economic breakthrough, created industry, rearmed the Russian army and navy, and became the world's largest exporter of agricultural products. It is very important that Russia lived in peace throughout the years of Alexander III’s reign.

The years of the reign of Emperor Alexander III are associated with the flourishing of Russian national culture, art, music, literature and theater. He was a wise philanthropist and collector.

During difficult times for him, P.I. Tchaikovsky repeatedly received financial support from the emperor, which is noted in the composer’s letters.

S. Diaghilev believed that for Russian culture Alexander III was the best of the Russian monarchs. It was under him that Russian literature, painting, music and ballet began to flourish. Great art, which later glorified Russia, began under Emperor Alexander III.

He played an outstanding role in the development of historical knowledge in Russia: under him, the Russian Imperial Historical Society, of which he was chairman, began to actively work. The Emperor was the creator and founder of the Historical Museum in Moscow.

On the initiative of Alexander, a patriotic museum was created in Sevastopol, the main exhibition of which was the Panorama of the Sevastopol Defense.

Under Alexander III, the first university was opened in Siberia (Tomsk), a project was prepared for the creation of the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople, the Russian Imperial Palestine Society began to operate, and Orthodox churches were built in many European cities and in the East.

The greatest works of science, culture, art, literature, from the reign of Alexander III are the great achievements of Russia, of which we are still proud.

“If Emperor Alexander III had been destined to continue reigning for as many years as he reigned, then his reign would have been one of the greatest reigns of the Russian Empire” (S.Yu. Witte).